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The US-led UN command released dramatic video showing a North Korean soldier dash across border into South Korea as North Korean troops fire at him. The defector was wounded. The UN says North Korea violated the Korean War armistice by firing. (Nov. 22)
AP

SEOUL — The North Korean soldier shown on video dashing across the Demilitarized Zone and being shot five times — and surviving — was not that isolated country’s typical defector. The overwhelming majority are women.

About 70% of the more than 31,000 defectors who have made it to South Korea since the end of the Korean War are women, according to the government’s Ministry of Unification. That figure has climbed in recent years, reaching about 80% from 2014-2016, and 85% this year.

The path to freedom for North Koreans usually begins by escaping across the long border with China, with the help of brokers who may lead them across Vietnam, Laos and Thailand before they finally make their way to South Korea.

More: ‘We would never think of eating for pleasure,’ North Korea defector admits

More: Hundreds of North Korean defectors live in this London suburb

More: Is Kim Jong Un crazy? The North Korea leader is just a cold calculator, experts say

Accurate information from North Korea is difficult to obtain to understand why women defect in higher numbers, but experts point to several factors.

One key reason is a strong demand for North Korean women in neighboring China for both the sex industry and as arranged brides in a country where men outnumber women by more than 33 million. 

“Historically, the largest influence in female migration from North Korea to China has been sex trafficking and marriages,” said Sokeel Park, the Seoul-based director of research and strategy for Liberty in North Korea, an organization that helps rescue North Korean refugees hiding in China. 

Park said North Korean women may have a better chance of staying under the radar and working informally in China in restaurants and factories. Many women working abroad send money back to their families in North Korea.

Women also have a significantly lower social status than men in North Korea, which allows them to remain further out of sight from authorities, said Heather Barr, a senior researcher in the women’s rights division of Human Rights Watch. North Korean women hold few positions in government or state-run businesses, and instead are the key movers of an informal market that sprang up after the near collapse of North Korea’s economy in the 1990s.

“This market economy has primarily been driven by married women who have had the space in their lives to engage in that type of work, because they’re not required to show up at a government job like men,” she said.

Barr said this gives women greater access to the networks of brokers who can arrange passage to China, while it also leaves them at the mercy of a world that operates on bribes and corruption.

“It creates lots of vulnerabilities for women, including sexual harassment, coercion and assault,” she said, noting that reports of rape and domestic violence are common among defectors. In November, a United Nations human rights panel found that women are deprived of education and work opportunities, and often face sexual assault in the workplace.

Also motivating some women to escape has been access to information about the world outside North Korea. A black market of South Korean television shows and videos are smuggled in on DVDs and USB drives, and North Koreans living near China can sometimes pick up TV signals. 

Many popular South Korean programs that make their way into North Korea are known as K-dramas — glamorous soap operas targeted to female audiences.

Park, with Liberty in North Korea, said some North Korean defectors explained they were motivated by the freedom of expression and fashion they saw on those shows, along with the higher status and respect enjoyed by the female characters.

“Their lifestyle was very carefree, freewheeling,” said one female North Korean defector in Seoul who spoke with USA TODAY in September. “If they want to do something, they can do something. if they want to travel somewhere, they travel. I could see that life is much freer than in North Korea,” said Yoon Ok, whose full name was withheld for her safety.

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A woman dressed in a traditional gown pays her respects at statues of late North Korean leaders, Kim Il Sung, left, and Kim Jong Il, in Pyongyang, North Korea, Thursday, Feb. 16, 2017. Unaware of reports his eldest son – and current leader Kim Jong Un’s half-brother – was killed just days ago in what appears to have been a carefully planned assassination, North Koreans marked the birthday of late leader Kim Jong Il on Thursday as they do every year. 
Eric Talmadge, AP
Azalea, whose Korean name is “Dalle”, a 19-year-old female chimpanzee, smokes a cigarette at the Central Zoo in Pyongyang, North Korea Oct. 19, 2016. According to officials at the newly renovated zoo, which has become a favorite leisure spot in the North Korean capital since it was re-opened in July, the chimpanzee smokes about a pack a day. They insist, however, that she does not inhale. 
Wong Maye-E, AP
A picture released by the Rodong Sinmun, the newspaper of the ruling North Korean Workers Party, on Sept. 8, 2015, shows North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, center front, and Miguel Diaz-Canel Bermudez, second from right, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and first vice-president of the Council of State, watching an art performance by the Moranbong Band and the State Merited Chorus in Pyongyang, North Korea, on Sept. 7, 2015. Bermudez led a Cuban delegation to North Korea to mark the 55th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between North Korea and Cuba.  
Rodong Sinmun, European Pressphoto Agency
Men and women pump their fists in the air and chant “defend!” as they carry propaganda slogans calling for reunification of their country during the “Pyongyang Mass Rally on the Day of the Struggle Against the U.S.,” attended by approximately 100,000 North Koreans to mark the 65th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War at the Kim Il Sung stadium, Thursday, June 25, 2015, in Pyongyang, North Korea. The month of June in North Korea is known as the “Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism Month” and it’s a time for North Koreans to swarm to war museums, mobilize for gatherings denouncing the evils of the United States and join in a general, nationwide whipping up of the anti-American sentiment. 
Wong Maye-E, AP
North Koreans gather in front of a portrait of their late leader Kim Il Sung, left, and Kim Jong Il, right, paying respects to their late leader Kim Jong Il, to mark the third anniversary of his death, Wednesday Dec. 17 at Pyong Chon District in Pyongyang, North Korea. North Korea marked the end of a three-year mourning period for the late leader Kim Jong Il on Wednesday, opening the way for his son, Kim Jong Un, to put a more personal stamp on the way the country is run.  
Kim Kwang Hyon, AP

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Last SlideNext Slide

While the desire to escape North Korea doesn’t diminish, the number of defectors making their way to South Korea has been dropping significantly in the past few years.

In 2009, 2,900 refugees arrived. Last year, the figure was just 1,400, and this year is on pace for less than 1,200 arrivals. The downturn could be a result of increased enforcement and patrols in North Korea, especially China, experts said. 

Human Rights Watch documented 41 North Koreans apprehended in China in July and August alone — compared with 51 people for the previous 12 months. China treats fleeing North Koreans not as refugees but as illegal migrants and often deports them back, where they likely will face brutal conditions and torture in prison camps.

 

 

 

Maybe more important, Israel’s position on Jerusalem isn’t just that its capital should be somewhere in the city. A 1980 law declared Jerusalem to be Israel’s “undivided” capital, which was widely understood as a de facto annexation of the city’s eastern half.

Mr. Trump, in endorsing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, did not explicitly endorse this idea. But he didn’t reject it, either. Nor did he say that Jerusalem should also become the Palestinian capital.

This implies that the United States is increasingly supportive of Israel’s position — full annexation — though this would almost certainly kill any viable peace deal.

Why Does It Matter if the U.S. Takes Sides?

The United States has, for decades, positioned itself as the primary mediator between Israelis and Palestinians. Neutrality ostensibly allows the United States to remain a credible arbiter and keeps both sides at the negotiating table.

American diplomats tend to consider neutrality a bedrock principle and essential for peace, and see Mr. Trump’s announcement as an alarming break.

But the policy of neutrality has grown contentious in American politics since the 1980s and the rise of the evangelical Christian right as a political force.

The movement’s pro-Israel positions — strongly in favor of Israeli control of Jerusalem — have roots in millenarian theology as well as more straightforward identity politics. (Still, a number of Palestinians are themselves Christian, and Jerusalem’s Christian leaders objected to Mr. Trump’s move.)

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Evangelical Christians have been joined by a subset of American Jews and others on the political right in arguing that the United States should overtly back Israel in the conflict. This position hardened during the second intifada, a period of vicious Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the early 2000s.

This debate has often played out over Jerusalem. Presidential candidates will promise to move the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, thereby recognizing the city as Israel’s capital. But once in office, the new president will forestall the move, explaining that peace should be given a chance.

Mr. Trump actually went ahead (though only partly, because he will not move the embassy right away), implicitly endorsing an American shift from neutral arbiter to overtly siding with Israel.

Has the U.S. Really Been Neutral?

That is not really the perception outside of the United States, particularly in Europe and the rest of the Middle East.

Much of the world already considered the United States a biased and unhelpful actor, promoting Israeli interests in a way that perpetuated the conflict.

Partly this is because of the power imbalance between Israelis and Palestinians. Because the far stronger Israelis are the occupiers, and the United States is seen as a steward, the Americans are sometimes blamed, rightly or wrongly, for that imbalance.

Partly it is because of domestic politics that led American leaders to pronounce themselves as pro-Israel while pursuing policies intended as neutral.

But it is also because of a decades-old American negotiating tactic. The last three administrations — led by Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama — all believed that they needed to grant Israel concessions to make Israeli leaders feel secure and comfortable enough to make their own concessions for peace.

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So Mr. Trump’s move, though he does not describe it this way, is arguably in line with past American strategy. And it is seen abroad as confirming long-held doubts about American leadership, rather than as drastically new.

What Happens Now?

Protests, which sometimes grow violent, have been a common Palestinian answer to perceived provocations, particularly on issues related to Jerusalem. The Palestinian view is that Israel’s occupation should be made costly and uncomfortable if it is to ever end.

As for the wider Arab response, the United States is just not very popular or trusted in the region. That tends to happen when you invade an Arab-majority country, Iraq, on what most Arabs consider false pretenses, starting a war that kills hundreds of thousands. This move is going to be unpopular, but it’s sort of a drop in the bucket.

Still, it could complicate regional politics. Marc Lynch, a political scientist at George Washington University, wrote in The Washington Post, “The visible pursuit of peace, if not its achievement, has long been the mechanism by which the United States reconciles its alliances with Israel and with ostensibly anti-Israel Arab states.”

This could make it harder for Arab governments to justify their cooperation with what is perceived to be an American-Israeli plot against Palestinians. Even if Arab governments do not themselves care much about Palestinians, they worry about domestic unrest.

That doesn’t mean Arab states will break with Washington, but they might need to be a little quieter and more careful about cooperating.

What Does This Change Long Term?

Warnings of a long-term shift tend to hinge on the idea that losing American neutrality means losing American leverage over Israelis and Palestinians to achieve peace.

But the simple fact of American power makes the country an important broker, neutral or not. American leverage with Israel also comes from implicitly guaranteeing Israel’s security and providing it with lots of military hardware. Still, because Israel got something for nothing from Mr. Trump’s announcement, it has little reason to make difficult concessions.

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American leverage over Palestinian leaders is also significant, since those leaders rely on American support to keep their administration funded and stable. But those leaders are deeply unpopular with their own people. A real risk here is that they one day grow so unpopular that their administration collapses. This would risk chaos and violence in the short term and, long term, a likely takeover by the militant Palestinian group Hamas.

All of that points toward a future in which peace is less likely, a Palestinian state is less likely and Israel is one day forced to choose between the two core components of its national identity: Jewish and democratic. Either it asserts permanent control over Palestinians without granting them full rights — a sort of state that critics sometimes compare to apartheid South Africa — or it grants Palestinians full rights, establishing a pluralistic democracy that is no longer officially Jewish.

Mr. Trump’s move likely edges Israelis and Palestinians closer to that future. But things were probably moving in that direction already.

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Sen. Al FrankenAlan (Al) Stuart FrankenDemocrats turn on Al Franken Schumer called, met with Franken and told him to resign Overnight Finance: Trump says shutdown ‘could happen’ | Ryan, conservatives inch closer to spending deal | Senate approves motion to go to tax conference | Ryan promises ‘entitlement reform’ in 2018 MORE (D-Minn.) had been resisting behind-the-scenes pressure from fellow Senate Democrats to step down for some time before his resignation on Thursday.

Sources familiar with deliberations within the caucus said women Democratic senators pressed their leadership to resolve the Franken situation and the leaders relayed their concerns to him.   

“There were conversations by a number of senators who were concerned about the allegations and believed the women,” said one Democratic senator.

Senate Democratic Whip Dick DurbinRichard (Dick) Joseph DurbinDemocrats turn on Al Franken Minnesota’s largest newspaper calls on Franken to resign Democratic senator predicts Franken will resign Thursday MORE (D-Ill.) said he had “several” conversations with Franken leading up to the day of his announced resignation, although he declined to reveal what exactly he said.

The drive to oust Franken was led by the women of the Senate, who felt it was a defining moment in national politics. They worried that if Franken were allowed to stay in the Senate despite a steady stream of harassment allegations, they would look weak or even hypocritical.

At first, Franken’s Democratic colleagues were OK with letting him stay in the chamber while the Senate Ethics Committee investigated the charges against him.

But as more accusers came forward and the allegations piled up, women senators grew concerned that the Ethics Committee would not move quickly or decisively enough to spare the Senate and the Democratic Party lasting political damage.

A second Democratic senator said there was strong “concern that we were losing the moral high ground with Roy Moore and the president,” referring to the Republican candidate for Senate in Alabama and President TrumpDonald John TrumpHouse Democrat slams Donald Trump Jr. for ‘serious case of amnesia’ after testimony Skier Lindsey Vonn: I don’t want to represent Trump at Olympics Poll: 4 in 10 Republicans think senior Trump advisers had improper dealings with Russia MORE.  

Even though Franken’s colleagues didn’t think the allegations about his past behavior were equivalent to allegations facing Moore, who is accused of sexual misconduct with teenagers, they feared that voters might not see much difference.

When Franken finally announced his plans to leave Congress in an emotional speech Thursday morning, it came as a relief to many of his Democratic colleagues.

Afterward, more than 20 colleagues lined up on the Senate floor to hug him or shake his hand. Not one, however, delivered any remarks in praise or recognition of his Senate accomplishments.

Franken refused to admit any misconduct in a defiant floor speech announcing his decision to leave.

A spokesman for Franken did not respond to a request for comment.

The defiance reflected Franken’s desire to hang on to his position in the Senate.

Even after Senate Democratic Leader Charles SchumerCharles (Chuck) Ellis SchumerAmerica isn’t ready to let Sessions off his leash Schumer celebrates New York Giants firing head coach: ‘About time’ GOP should reject the left’s pessimism and the deficit trigger MORE (N.Y.) stepped up the pressure on him to resign Wednesday morning after a seventh accuser came forward in a Politico report, Franken resisted stepping aside.

He claimed the allegation was “categorically not true” and waved off elements of the woman’s story as “preposterous,” according to a statement to Politico. 

Schumer held a second meeting with Franken and his wife, Franni, at Schumer’s apartment in Washington, D.C., early Wednesday afternoon and again argued that he should step down.

By this time, a fast-growing number Democratic senators had issued public statements calling on Franken to leave the Senate.

Sen. Kirsten GillibrandKirsten Elizabeth GillibrandDemocrats turn on Al Franken Report: Franken will resign Thursday Minnesota’s largest newspaper calls on Franken to resign MORE (D-N.Y.), a leading advocate for the victims of sexual harassment, was the first out of the gate with a statement.  

While acknowledging that Franken had a right to wait for the results of the ethics investigation, she said “it would be better for our country if he sent a clear message” that harassment isn’t acceptable by stepping aside.

Sens. Mazie HironoMazie Keiko HironoDemocrats turn on Al Franken The Hill’s 12:30 Report Avalanche of Democratic senators say Franken should resign MORE (D-Hawaii), Claire McCaskillClaire Conner McCaskillDemocrats turn on Al Franken Trump rips Dems a day ahead of key White House meeting The Hill’s 12:30 Report MORE (D-Mo.), and Maggie HassanMargaret (Maggie) HassanDemocrats turn on Al Franken The Hill’s 12:30 Report Avalanche of Democratic senators say Franken should resign MORE (D-N.H.) quickly followed with statements of their own.

By the end of the day Wednesday, a total of 33 Democratic senators had called for Franken’s ouster, more than half the caucus.

Schumer, who had been close to Franken, delivered the final blow. 

Although the leader acknowledged Franken was “a dear friend,” Schumer said his colleague had “a higher obligation to his constituents and the Senate.”

The desire to send a signal different than the one sent by Republicans backing President Trump played a part in the opposition to Franken.

The election of Trump after a recording of him making lewd comments about grabbing women became public has since galvanized the Democratic base — especially women — and Democratic senators say they have to pay attention to this powerful political force.

“We’re in the middle of a big cultural shift and I think particularly young women are not going to stand for this kind of behavior and, most importantly, the intimidation that comes with it,” said Sen. Dianne FeinsteinDianne Emiel FeinsteinGrassley blasts Democrats over unwillingness to probe Clinton Avalanche of Democratic senators say Franken should resign Blumenthal: ‘Credible case’ of obstruction of justice can be made against Trump MORE (D-Calif.), who called on Franken to resign Wednesday.

Feinstein said Trump’s comments about women on the Access Hollywood tape “really brought it to the fore.”

“To hear a man say those things and become president of the United States and all of his accusers are kind of banished to nowhere almost subconsciously in women has had a big effect,” she added.

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Snow made a rare appearance in South Texas this week, blanketing everything from cars and homes to area roadways.
USA TODAY

A band of cold air that delivered a rare blanket of snow to parts of southern Texas rolled through the Deep South on Friday bringing threats of more weekend snow, sleet and dicey travel conditions from the Mid-Atlantic to New England.

Parts of Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Mississippi reported snow flurries before dawn. In Georgia, nearly two dozen school systems closed ahead of the wintry weather.

“It’s the first snow of the season and any time you even mention snow in the South, you’re going to get people a little panicky,” said David Nadler, a meteorologist at the National Weather Service’s office south of Atlanta.

This first taste of winter will vary along the path across the South, with sleet and snow expected — but not certain — in much of Virginia on Saturday, , but likely producing snow in larger amounts farther north in New York City, Massachusetts and Maine.

The National Weather Service said a half inch to an inch of snow is forecast across many areas of the South by Friday night. Winter weather advisories have been posted for parts of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and the Carolinas. The advisories were issued for cities including Baton Rouge, La., Hattiesburg, Miss., and Birmingham, Ala.

The wintry blast could produce especially hazardous driving conditions for Friday evening commuters in southern cities such as Atlanta, Charlotte, N.C., Raleigh, N.C., and Richmond.

Meanwhile, a second storm moving across the upper tier of the United States out of the Midwest could bring patchy snow, and the chance of a small accumulation to parts of the interior Northeast from Saturday night to Sunday, AccuWeather says.

The amount and intensity of snow activity depends on if and when the northern storm merges with the southern band and how much moisture it carries as it gets closer to the Atlantic Ocean.

CLOSE

Frigid temperatures behind a cold front combined with moisture off the Gulf of Mexico have yielded a rare snowfall in many parts of South and Southeast Texas. Snow continued falling in the Houston area on Friday morning. (Dec. 8)
AP

“It may be a close call with accumulating snow versus melting snow from New York City to Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington, D.C.,” according to AccuWeather Senior Meteorologist Dave Houk. “New York City will have a better chance at an inch or two accumulation, since some of the snow will fall during Saturday night.”

The storm’s unpredictable nature was on full display in Texas, particularly near the Gulf Coast, as a band of heavy snow slowly moved over Austin and San Antonio on Thursday, eventually reaching Houston and Corpus Christi.  

Contributing: Associated Press

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