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New bipartisan immigration plan to be introduced in the Senate


Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) arrives on Capitol Hill on July 11, 2017. (Jacquelyn Martin/AP)

Two senators eager to see Congress start crossing items off its long to-do list are set to introduce a bipartisan plan  Monday designed to settle two of the more pressing parts of the immigration debate and let lawmakers move on to other issues.

Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Christopher A. Coons (D-Del.) plan to formally introduce a bill that would grant permanent legal status to undocumented immigrants known as “dreamers” and start bolstering security along the U.S.-Mexico border. But the measure would not immediately authorize spending the $25 billion President Trump is seeking to fortify the border with new wall and fence construction. Some Republicans are seeking at least $30 billion.

The McCain-Coons plan also would grant legal status to dreamers who have been in the country since 2013 — a larger pool of undocumented immigrants than the 1.8 million Trump supports legalizing.

The bill says nothing about curbing family-based legal migration or making changes to the diversity lottery program — two other priorities for Trump and conservative Republicans.

In a statement, McCain said the bill “would address the most urgent priorities” of legalizing the status of dreamers and make changes to border security — and allow Congress to move on.

“It’s time we end the gridlock so we can quickly move on to completing a long-term budget agreement that provides our men and women in uniform the support they deserve,” he added.

The new legislation comes as Congress has four days to meet another short-term spending deadline at 12:01 a.m. Friday. Immigration has been a dominant subject of the months-long talks to set new federal spending levels, as Democrats have insisted on enacting changes in immigration policy to win their support ever since Trump announced plans to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA, last September.

The program is set to end March 5, although members of both parties believe that an ongoing federal court case that challenged Trump’s decision could keep the program operational for at least a few more months if Congress fails to act.

Trump, however, appeared to stand firm on his demands to fund the wall as part of any DACA legislation.

“Any deal on DACA that does not include STRONG border security and the desperately needed WALL is a total waste of time,” Trump tweeted Monday. “March 5th is rapidly approaching and the Dems seem not to care about DACA. Make a deal!”


Sen. Christopher A. Coons (D-Del.) speaks to reporters on Capitol Hill after the Senate reached an agreement to end the government shutdown on Jan. 22. (Joshua Roberts/Reuters)

A three-day partial government shutdown last month was forced in part by Democrats who withheld support for a short-term spending plan until Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) agreed to allow votes on immigration legislation if a compromise can’t be included as part of the next short-term spending bill. Negotiators in both parties and both chambers are still working on a potential plan and are expected to continue doing so this week.

Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.), a lead Democratic negotiator on immigration policy, said that “there is not likely to be a DACA deal” this week.

He told CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday: “I don’t see a government shutdown coming, but I do see a promise by Senator McConnell to finally bring this critical issue that affects the lives of hundreds of thousands of people in America, finally bringing it to a full debate. That’s what we were looking for when there was a shutdown. We’ve achieve that goal, we’re moving forward.”

Whether the McCain-Coons bill could pass the Senate is unclear — but it is nearly identical to legislation already introduced in the House with wide support. The USA Act, introduced by Reps. Will Hurd (R-Tex.) and Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.), has 54 co-sponsors — 27 members from each party — and has been the subject of conversations between Trump administration officials and senior congressional leaders trying to sort out the contours of a potential immigration debate.

But conservative lawmakers and some administration officials already consider the plan insufficient because it fails to do more to boost security along the southern border.

Like the House version, the new Senate bill calls for the use of drones and other technology to establish better “situational awareness and operational control of the border.” Rather than immediately spending the billions of dollars Trump is seeking for new wall and fencing construction, the legislation would require the secretary of homeland security to submit to Congress a new southern border security strategy within a year of the bill’s passage. That plan would need to include “a list of known physical barriers, levees, technologies, tools, and other devices that can be used to achieve and maintain situational awareness and operational control along the southern border” and a projected cost per mile for any changes.

“While reaching a deal cannot come soon enough for America’s service members, the current political reality demands bipartisan cooperation to address the impending expiration of the DACA program and secure the southern border,” McCain said.

Coons added that the bill “doesn’t solve every immigration issue, but it does address the two most pressing problems we face: protecting DACA recipients and securing the border.”

McCain is chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee and a leading defense hawk who is furious with the slow pace of negotiations about increased federal spending levels. Supporters of increased military spending in both parties want Congress to enact a budget plan so the Pentagon can work on long-term planning.

McCain has Stage 4 brain cancer and has been absent from Washington since before Christmas. He is not expected to be on Capitol Hill this week.

Sponsoring this immigration measure is a stark departure from McCain’s aggressive stance on border security. During his 2010 reelection campaign, he vowed to “complete the danged fence” across Arizona’s span with Mexico. In 2013, he was a lead GOP negotiator on a bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform plan that passed overwhelmingly in the Senate but fizzled in the House.

Coons is a relative newcomer to the years-long fight over immigration policy — but he has been an eager participant in recent bipartisan talks to end a partial government shutdown and broker a compromise on immigration policy. He is set to share more details about the bill later Monday.

News of the new McCain-Coons bill was first reported by the Wall Street Journal.

Brian Murphy contributed to this report.

Read more:

Immigration proposal contains bitter pills for both sides

Who is Adam Schiff? Top Democrat Earns Nickname ‘Little’ From President Trump

Democratic Representative Adam Schiff, who has drawn the ire of Donald Trump and top Republicans, earned himself a new nickname from the president Monday morning.

Related: What is the Nunes Memo? Controversial intelligence document about Trump campaign surveillance spawns #ReleaseTheMemo

“Little Adam Schiff, who is desperate to run for higher office, is one of the biggest liars and leakers in Washington, right up there with Comey, Warner, Brennan and Clapper! Adam leaves closed committee hearings to illegally leak confidential information. Must be stopped!” Trump tweeted.

The congressman fired back Monday morning, responding to the president’s tweet by writing, “Mr. President, I see you’ve had a busy morning of ‘Executive Time.’ Instead of tweeting false smears, the American people would appreciate it if you turned off the TV and helped solve the funding crisis, protected Dreamers or…really anything else.”

Schiff’s dig about Trump’s “executive time” comes from a January report that claimed the president often spends the first few hours of his day without meetings, instead watching TV and tweeting about his accomplishments and political enemies.

Schiff, who first joined Congress back in 2001, has been a thorn in the president’s side as the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, and more recently as the leading Democratic voice against the controversial Nunes Memo. The document, released Friday, has become a partisan flashpoint, with Republicans asserting that it shows blatant abuses of power by both the FBI and the Department of Justice.

Democrats, often led by Schiff, claim that the memo is misleading and intentionally omits certain facts. They have called for Republicans on the House Intelligence Committee to allow a Democratic counter-memo to be published.

Schiff continued his criticism on Sunday morning. Appearing on This Week With George Stephanopoulos, Schiff reiterated his belief that the memo “was a political hit job on the FBI in the service of the president.”

In addition to the recent partisan squabbling over the Nunes memo, Schiff has remained persistent in his insistence on a full investigation into potential ties between Trump and Russia and recently stated that he believes Republicans on his committee lack commitment to finding out the truth.

In a series of tweets in December, Schiff said that he thinks there is a concerted GOP effort to kill the credibility of the investigation being led by special counsel Robert Mueller and that Republicans intended to “shut down” the House Intelligence Committee’s probe.

“I’m increasingly worried Republicans will shut down the House Intelligence Committee investigation at the end of the month,” Schiff tweeted, before launching into a list of reasons supporting his rationale. The list included claims that Republicans refused to call “dozens of outstanding witnesses” to testify before the committee.

The congressman’s vocal opposition to the president has raised public conjecture about his future, with many discussing the possibility of Schiff seeking a higher office. Asked about that in January 2017, Schiff did not rule out the possibility.

“At some point, I may certainly entertain running for statewide office,” he said.

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How the Eagles beat the Patriots at own game, and why the upset was historic

10:10 AM ET

To pull off their Super Bowl upset Sunday night, the Philadelphia Eagles out-Patriots-ed the New England Patriots. The stories we all know by heart about the Patriots are the ones we’re telling about the Eagles this morning. How they’re never out of any game, even if they’re missing a star player. How they come up with critical plays at the exact moment when they need one. How they leverage a coaching advantage by taking risks the other team is afraid to take.

The Eagles won a shootout Sunday night by slipping off their underdog masks and playing like they had nothing to lose.

The Patriots weren’t out-schemed. They weren’t overwhelmed by a dominant defensive line, as they were during their Super Bowl defeats against the New York Giants. They were out-executed. Bill Belichick’s team made sloppy mistakes throughout the game and left the door open just wide enough for the Eagles to fly on in. For a team whose mantra is famously “Do Your Job” — for a team that relies on a nearly mechanical emphasis and focus upon getting the little things right — the Patriots were napping at work far too frequently to win.

Doug Pederson’s team didn’t win the Super Bowl as a result of the Patriots’ mistakes; the Eagles won because they executed in many of the exact ways in which the Patriots specifically struggled. Philadelphia didn’t play a perfect game, but it was far more consistent and made critical plays far more frequently than the Patriots.


More Patriots than Patriots

Where did the Eagles outdo the Patriots? Let’s run through some of the ways the Eagles stood out — and the Patriots fell short — in Super Bowl LII:

Third down. We’ll get to Nick Foles‘ game later, but the biggest question about Philadelphia’s quarterback heading into the contest was whether he would be able to keep up his stunning performance on third down after posting a perfect passer rating and converting nine of his 11 third-down tries against the best third-down defense in recent league history during the NFC Championship Game.

Foles and the Eagles’ offense delivered in spades. The Patriots weren’t expected to be as stout as the Vikings, but the same offense that went 1-of-14 on third down on a Christmas night struggle against the Raiders went 10-of-16 (62.5 percent) on third downs against the Patriots. Philly converted a pair of third downs to start its first drive, including a third-and-12 to Torrey Smith, and went on its way from there.

Last year, Hightower came up with the strip sack of Matt Ryan that gave the Patriots a crucial short field during their comeback. Against Seattle, Butler came up with the most famous interception in recent league history. This year, with the Patriots about to launch their own would-be comeback drive late in the fourth quarter, it was the Eagles who came up with a critical turnover exactly when they needed a big play when they shifted Brandon Graham inside for a strip sack of Brady.

New England simply didn’t have the bodies. Hightower was playing out of position and got hurt. Trey Flowers had a great postseason but was erased from existence on Sunday night by Halapoulivaati Vaitai and the Eagles’ offensive line, which went with six offensive linemen for several plays with some success, including the 21-yard touchdown from LeGarrette Blount. The Eagles have a great offense, and the Patriots’ defense couldn’t keep up. Gilmore had a great game, but the Patriots will need to address their front seven this offseason.

Brady’s bunch

With even a little bit of resistance from their defense, the Patriots probably would have won this game. That’s how incredible their offense performed. Given that the Eagles came into the game ranked fourth in scoring defense and fifth in defensive DVOA, I think you can make a reasonable case that this was the best offensive performance in any loss in NFL history, let alone Super Bowl history.

The big number here is 600: The Patriots became the first team in league history to rack up 600 yards in a game and lose, finishing the game with 613 yards from scrimmage. The 600 Club had previously gone a combined 38-0-1 before Sunday, with the previous record for most yards in a defeat coming when the 49ers racked up 598 yards in a 34-31 loss to the Bills in September 1992.

Yardage isn’t the best statistic, though, and a better measure might be that the Patriots never had to punt on Sunday. They scored six times, missed a field goal, had a drive end on downs, fumbled away the ball, and had a possession end at the conclusion of each half. Teams occasionally lose without punting, but it’s usually because they turn the ball over a bunch. The Pats turned the ball over only once.

At the same time, though, Foles isn’t a creation of his coaches. The 29-year-old deserves a ton of credit and was counted out by a ton of people after his ugly end to the regular season, myself included. When I wrote that the Eagles still had a chance to win the NFC after Carson Wentz‘s injury, that argument was predicated upon home-field advantage, a great defense and Foles doing just enough to win games.

Maybe the Eagles won the Atlanta game that way, and maybe this all breaks differently if the duck Foles tossed up just before halftime is picked off by Keanu Neal as opposed to dropping into Torrey Smith‘s hands to help set up a field goal. Over the past two games, though, Foles has been a bona fide superstar. He finished with the second-best QBR over the conference championship and Super Bowl in the past 10 years, second to Matt Ryan‘s performance from last season. On Sunday, he won a game on a neutral field where his defense allowed one of the best quarterbacks in league history to rack up 600 yards of offense. The story used to be that the Eagles might be able to win despite Nick Foles. It was wrong. They just won a Super Bowl because they had Nick Foles.

What to do with the spare Super Bowl MVP you have lying around

Now, the Eagles find themselves in a funny predicament that just about every team in the league would love to worry about. While I joked about it during the game, there’s no quarterback controversy in Philadelphia. Wentz was the favorite to win league MVP before he went down with a torn ACL. Foles pieced together an incredible postseason, but Wentz is going to be Philly’s quarterback for the next decade.

The rest of the league just watched Philadelphia’s backup tear apart the NFC’s best defense and outduel Tom Brady in a shootout to win the Super Bowl. Foles is under contract for one more year at a cap hit of $7.6 million, with his contract set to void in April 2019. That’s big money for a backup (money the Eagles will never regret spending), but it’s well below market value for a starter, even as a stopgap or a bridge to a younger quarterback.

Given that the Eagles will likely lose Foles in 2019 to another team, should they at least be willing to listen to trade offers for their Super Bowl MVP?

The argument against the idea is clear. Wentz tore up his knee in mid-December, and while initial reports suggested it was a clean ACL tear, it also now seems likely that Wentz suffered damage to additional ligaments in his knee as part of the injury, which complicates his recovery period. There’s no guarantee Wentz is ready for Week 1 of the 2018 season, let alone prepared to play at a similar level to the MVP-caliber form we saw from him this past season. Foles is a hedge against any setbacks to Wentz. Eagles fans can sleep comfortably all spring and summer knowing the floor for their quarterback spot is Super Bowl MVP.

At the same time, though, trading Foles doesn’t preclude the Eagles from investing in another backup to replace Wentz. While Foles does deserve the credit I mentioned, the same infrastructure that helped raise both Foles and Wentz up during the 2017 season is set to return for 2018, with the Eagles likely to run this back with all three of their key offensive coaches, every one of their major receiving weapons, and all of their offensive linemen pending what Philadelphia does with left tackle Jason Peters, who is coming off of a torn ACL and MCL.

Philadelphia would save $5.2 million on its cap by trading Foles, which would be plenty of money to target a replacement. The Eagles are missing second- and third-round picks in this year’s draft as a result of the trades for Wentz and Ronald Darby, although they have an extra fourth-rounder from the Pats as a result of the Rowe trade. Howie Roseman is the most aggressive general manager in the league when it comes to swapping veterans, so I wouldn’t put the idea past him, even if the trade doesn’t actually happen.

Like anything, I think it depends on the compensation. Some team is going to have to give up a lot to make the Eagles think about it. Roseman probably would look toward the top half of the second round, where the Jets (37), Broncos (40) and even the Dolphins (42) could theoretically look Foles’ way. The Cardinals (47) have no apparent options at quarterback and the sort of cap stress that would make Foles’ relatively low salary palatable. The Bills have two back-end second-rounders at 53 and 56, and you wonder if they might call about Foles if they cut Tyrod Taylor. Or maybe the Eagles look to acquire a young downfield threat at wide receiver (assuming they plan on declining Smith’s option) or a tight end to replace free agent Trey Burton as part of the deal.

In the end, I doubt anything happens. The Eagles can’t really justify dealing Foles given Wentz’s injury unless a team blows them away with a trade offer, and given that we just saw Jimmy Garoppolo go for a second-rounder and Alex Smith join Washington for a third-rounder and Kendall Fuller, it’s difficult to see a team dealing a more valuable pick for Foles. The Eagles return virtually all of their core for 2018. At this point, even though he’s a backup, Foles is part of that core.

He probably deserves to have a shot at starting somewhere, but after he lived through the horror of a Jeff Fisher season, you can imagine Foles might appreciate his situation in Philadelphia. After he saved their season and helped lead the Eagles to their first Super Bowl trophy, he might be the only backup quarterback in football with his own statue in town. Covered in Crisco, of course.

Once the party of law and order, Republicans are now challenging it

Republican leaders’ open defiance last week of the FBI over the release of a hotly disputed memo revealed how the GOP, which has long positioned itself as the party of law and order, has become an adversary of federal law enforcement as the party continues its quest to protect President Trump from the Russia investigation.

The FBI, the Justice Department and other agencies are now under concerted assault by Republicans, facing allegations of corruption and conspiracy that have quickly moved from the fringes of the right into the mainstream of the GOP.

Republicans in Congress insist that their efforts are meant to fulfill their duty to provide oversight of the executive branch and root out suspected bias. But critics say their campaign — to “cleanse” the FBI, in the words of House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) — has been clearly orchestrated to safeguard the president and undercut the Russia probe, which includes an examination of whether Trump or his associates have sought to obstruct justice.

“It’s an extraordinary moment,” said Steve Schmidt, a strategist on George W. Bush’s and John McCain’s presidential campaigns who opposes Trump. “The party has become completely unmoored from things that it held as close to sacred until very recently, including a fidelity to the country’s security institutions.”

The GOP offensive has raised doubts among millions of Americans about the independence and integrity of federal law enforcement agencies, which have not been caught in a political maelstrom of this magnitude since the Watergate scandal almost five decades ago.

Tensions reached a boil this week when Trump approved the publication of the then-classified memo, which was authored by Republicans on the House Intelligence Committee chaired by Devin Nunes (R-Calif.), one of the president’s most loyal allies. The release came despite intense opposition from law enforcement and intelligence officials, who said that the document was full of errors and omissions and that disclosing it was “extraordinarily reckless” to national security.

The memo alleges that senior FBI and Justice officials abused their power and used a contested dossier on Trump to secure a warrant from a foreign-intelligence court to wiretap Carter Page, a former Trump campaign adviser.

The president claimed Saturday on Twitter that “this memo totally vindicates ‘Trump’ in probe. But the Russian Witch Hunt goes on and on . . . This is an American disgrace!”

The FBI, Democrats and some Republicans expressed alarm following days of unsuccessful appeals to Trump and Ryan to halt the release of a memo they say is incomplete and deeply misleading — and that they say sets a dangerous precedent.

The document is part of long-standing efforts by Trump to influence or derail the Russia probe, including his firing in the spring of FBI Director James B. Comey; his abandoned order in the summer to get rid of special counsel Robert S. Mueller III; and his continued consideration behind the scenes of removing others including Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein, who has ultimate authority over the investigation. Trump has told advisers in recent days that he was hopeful the memo’s release would pave the way for further shake-ups at Justice, including the firing of Rosenstein.

Confidence in the FBI has simultaneously declined among Republican voters. A Gallup survey in December 2017 found that 49 percent of Republicans thought the FBI was doing an “excellent” or “good” job, down from 62 percent in 2014. Among Democrats, 69 percent approved of the FBI’s performance, up from 60 percent in 2014.

House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) prepares with his staff for a press conference on Capitol Hill as the government shutdown loomed on Jan. 18. (Melina Mara/The Washington Post)

Amid the tumult, rank-and-file conservatives and a chorus of Trump boosters in the media plunged ahead with the onslaught.

“We take no joy in this,” said Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), who advocated the memo’s release and has suggested top law enforcement leaders be jailed for their alleged misdeeds. “We didn’t weave into the [party] platform last time that we are now against DOJ and the FBI. We’d rather be trashing Obamacare than trashing the FBI. But we have a job to do.”

But with Republicans fearful of a shellacking in fall’s midterm elections, vulnerable House incumbents are growing concerned that their party’s positioning carries unpredictable risks.

Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), a freshman representing suburban Philadelphia and a former FBI agent, said he is “telling my colleagues to be very careful on how they proceed here.” But he acknowledges that his voice alone will not suddenly turn around the party’s message.

“There are unfortunately some people who are trying to judge an entire institution by a few bad actors,” Fitzpatrick said. “The FBI is an amazing organization that I love with all my heart, and we need to balance our calls for transparency with the need for confidentiality in covert operations.”

Former New York mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani, a Trump ally and onetime prosecutor who is close to some FBI officials, said his party “must be careful.”

“Republicans could be clearer, whether these issues turn out to be legitimate or not, that their focus is on the leadership at the time of the FBI — not the agents,” Giuliani said. “There are tremendous worries about conduct that deserve attention, but make sure to stay on that.”

Most striking to some Republicans has been the conduct of Ryan, who is widely respected within the party and casts himself as a pillar of traditional conservatism.

While Ryan has maintained that Mueller’s investigation should continue on its course, he has strongly supported Nunes and questioned whether civil liberties were violated. Addressing the Nunes memo, Ryan told a small gathering of television anchors this week, “Let it all out, get it all out there. Cleanse the organization,” according to Fox News. The speaker added, “I think we should disclose all this stuff. It’s the best disinfectant.”

On Friday, shortly after the document was declassified, Ryan said he was “glad” — although he cautioned his party in a statement to “not use this memo to impugn the integrity of the justice system.”

Ryan’s approach reflects much of the GOP leadership in Congress, which has labored to assure conservative hard-liners like Gaetz that their grievances about the FBI are being heard.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) has had little to say about the House memo, other than to tell reporters he thinks Ryan is “handling this just right.”

Only a few elected Republicans have spoken negatively about the memo’s release. Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.), a member of the Senate leadership, said Nunes should have shared it first with Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Richard Burr (R-N.C.) and incorporated the concerns of FBI Director Christopher A. Wray. Sens. McCain and Jeff Flake, Arizona Republicans who have been critical of Trump, both opposed making the document public.

“If we continue to undermine our own rule of law, we are doing [Russian President Vladimir] Putin’s job for him,” McCain said in a statement Friday.

Mark Salter, a longtime McCain confidant and adviser, said the GOP has largely reached a stage “where nothing is more important than politics — everything is tribal, about winning.”

Republicans have clashed with federal law enforcement agencies before, particularly under Democratic presidents, from the FBI’s 1993 siege of a religious group’s compound in Waco, Tex., to an uproar during President Barack Obama’s first term over a firearms sting operation dubbed “Fast and Furious.”

The recent, more expansive GOP distrust can be traced back to the 2016 campaign. Giuliani recalls traveling with Trump and together grousing about Comey and then-attorney general Loretta E. Lynch, among others, whom they saw as unfairly sympathetic to Hillary Clinton, the Democratic nominee who was under FBI investigation for her use of a private email server while she was secretary of state.

“I still don’t know how the hell she got away with it,” Giuliani said. “She was treated extraordinarily by Jim Comey and the FBI. At least, that was my impression.”

The perception of bias was fueled by media commentary on the right, including on Fox News, and a series of incidents that provided fodder to partisans, such as Lynch’s private meeting with former president Bill Clinton on an airport tarmac in Phoenix.

“This has all been building for a while,” said Rep. Peter T. King (R-N.Y.), a member of the House Intelligence Committee with deep ties to law enforcement. “You go back to 2016, there were serious errors made by certain people in the FBI and at Justice. Lynch on the tarmac, Comey deciding to not prosecute Hillary, and we still don’t have the full story of what happened that October.”

The upheaval over the memo comes amid an emerging power shift in the party that is tilting the GOP toward skepticism: Libertarian-leaning Republicans averse to expanding U.S. warrantless surveillance programs are increasingly vocal and winning converts.

Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) have established themselves as leaders of the bloc, as other players on the right have embraced WikiLeaks and groups that have argued for dismantling what some Trump supporters call “the deep state,” a conspiratorial reference to the intelligence community and law enforcement as entrenched actors with self-interested motives.

Trump has encouraged that perspective even as he has formally supported a bill to expand surveillance powers, tweeting inaccurately and without evidence about being wiretapped by the Obama administration. In January, a measure to scale back surveillance powers was defeated in the House, although 58 Republicans joined 125 Democrats in supporting it.

At the center of this week’s eruption over declassifying the Nunes document has been a group of about 70 House members who have been rallying to “release the memo” during closed Republican conference meetings and on social media. They also have been speaking to talk radio and conservative websites with fierce criticism of Rosenstein, Wray and Attorney General Jeff Sessions, among others.

GOP pollster Frank Luntz, who is close with party leaders, explained the dynamic: “An average Republican voter’s inclination is to trust law and order. If the police say they’re guilty, a Republican assumes they are . . . But because so much of life has been politicized, you have this crosscurrent of an internal desire to support these institutions and the feeling that the people who occupy them are not doing their jobs correctly.”

Schmidt had a less charitable explanation, citing a list of conspiratorial beliefs that have been taken up over the years by the far right.

“It represents the mainstreaming of a strain of conservatism that comes from a place of paranoia and conspiracy,” Schmidt said. Many Republican leaders, he argued, “are now the equivalent of the Lyndon LaRouche people in the parking lot of the supermarket handing out fliers shouting conspiracies.”

Among Democrats, there is unease about the GOP’s turn, as well as lingering concerns of their own.

Many Clinton supporters continue to believe the FBI improperly handled her probe and blame Comey’s late October 2016 letter to Congress reopening the email investigation for her loss.

Lanny J. Davis, a longtime member of Clinton’s political orbit, is publishing a book on Tuesday titled, “The Unmaking of the President 2016: How FBI Director James Comey Cost Hillary Clinton the presidency.”

The headline for Davis’s column in The Hill newspaper this week: “Deep state existed in ’16 — but it elected Trump.”

Scott Clement contributed to this report.

Two dead after Amtrak train collides with freight train in South Carolina

An Amtrak train en route from New York to Miami collided with a CSX freight train and derailed near Columbia, S.C., leaving two dead and 116 injured, police and Amtrak officials said.

The crash occurred at 2:35 a.m. in Cayce, S.C., causing the lead engine and “some passenger cars” to derail, Amtrak said in a statement. There were eight crew members and approximately 139 passengers, Amtrak said.

The two people killed were Amtrak employees, according to South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster (R). The CSX freight train was empty, he said.

Derrec Becker of the South Carolina Emergency Management Division said injuries reported include minor cuts as well as broken bones, and he said all passengers had been removed from the train. Lexington County spokesman Harrison Cahill said passengers who were hurt were taken to local hospitals, but none had life-threatening injuries.

There were two leaks from the train, spilling an estimated 5,000 gallons of fuel, but there was “no threat to the public at this time,” Cahill said at a news conference. He said the cause of the crash was not known, and CSX and the National Transportation Safety Board had been called to investigate. He later said that it was unclear from where the fuel had leaked.

Whitney Sullivan, a reporter for WLTX-TV, reported that deputies said no residents in the area were evacuated.

The Transportation Department said the Federal Railroad Administration, which has safety oversight over Amtrak and freight rail, said its investigators were on site.

NTSB chairman Robert Sumwalt said on “Fox Friends” that “one of our priorities” is to recover data recorders to determine “the speed of the Amtrak train at the point of collision.”

Passenger Derek Pettaway said he woke with a jolt when the collision happened, suffering minor whiplash. He had taken shelter with other passengers at the nearby Pine Ridge Middle School, where authorities were providing medical care. “No one was panicking. I think most people were asleep. I think people were more in shock,” Pettaway said in an interview with CNN.

The White House press pool was told that President Trump had been briefed on the situation and was receiving regular updates. Deputy press secretary Lindsay Walters said Trump’s thoughts and prayers are with everyone who was affected. Other officials also offered statements of support. Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) said his “prayers are with the families of those killed.”

The incident comes less than a week after an Amtrak train carrying GOP lawmakers to a retreat in West Virginia collided with a garbage truck. One person in the truck was killed.

In December, an Amtrak train in Washington state derailed while crossing an overpass, spilling cars onto a busy highway and killing three people.

Doris N. Truong contributed to this report.

A Man Has Been Arrested After Migrants Were Hurt In Drive-By Shootings In A City In Italy

Six migrants were injured in drive-by shootings in the Italian city of Macerata on Saturday, one of them critically.

Five men and one woman were among those shot, Mayor Romano Carancini told Sky TG24, all of whom were black “foreign nationals”. Reports suggest that the attacker was targeting black migrants.

The first shots were fired from a car at around 11:10 a.m. local time, according to newspaper Corriere della Sera, with two “young black immigrants” targeted. More people were injured in different places as the attacker drove around the city, which is about 125 miles east of Rome.

Ammo seller to Las Vegas killer arrested on federal charge

(CNN)Douglas Haig, an Arizona man who says he sold tracer ammunition to the gunman in October’s Las Vegas massacre, was arrested Friday on a charge of manufacturing and selling armor-piercing bullets in violation of federal law.

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Groundhog Day 2018: Punxsutawney Phil spots shadow and forecasts six more weeks of winter

Hang on to your warm furry hats.

Punxsutawney Phil, the world’s most celebrated groundhog, gazed at the ground and beheld his shadow Friday morning. This means six more weeks of frigid winter if you trust the weather forecasting skills of this oversized rodent.

Had the mangy marmot not spotted his shadow, it would have signaled spring is around the corner, folklore assures.

The groundhog crawled out of his hole to issue his prediction just before 7:25 a.m. as the sun rose at Gobbler’s Knob in Punxsutawney, Pa. How he managed to see his shadow with clouds blocking the sun is a bit of a mystery. Thousands of merry witnesses watched the spectacle, unfazed by the biting wind, blowing snow and bone-chilling temperatures in the teens.

Since his first prediction in 1887, Phil has spotted his shadow 104 times, counting this year, while it has eluded him on just 18 occasions. Ten years are missing from the record, but Phil has issued forecasts without exception.

If this winter endures well into March as Phil predicts, it will be remembered for the intensity and duration of cold weather. The brutal Arctic blast in the eastern U.S. between Christmas and the first week of the new year may most stand out, culminating in the “bomb cyclone” at the coast. In many areas, it was the most frigid stretch of weather surrounding New Year’s in recorded history.


Where the two weeks surrounding the New Year rank on the cold scale. (Southeast Regional Climate Center, modified by Ian Livingston)

The groundhog’s prognostication is supported by forecasters endowed with somewhat larger brains; that is, actual meteorologists. The prediction from AccuWeather, the private forecasting company based in State College, Pa., is also calling for winter to persist another six weeks.

“Boston to New York City and Philadelphia may see snow a few more times before the end of the season,” says AccuWeather long-range forecaster Paul Pastelok.

The National Weather Service also suggests winter is far from done in the northern and northeastern United States, where it favors colder-than-normal weather in February. It does lean toward abnormally mild weather in the West, so perhaps Phil is wrong about extended winter in that part of the country.


National Weather Service temperature 30-day temperature outlook for February. In areas shaded in blue, it leans toward colder than normal weather. In areas shades in orange, it favors warmer than normal weather. (National Weather Service)

If the question of Phil’s track record is gnawing at you, the success of his recent predictions is decidedly mixed.

Last year, Phil predicted six more weeks of winter and spring arrived as early as it has in memory. Flower stems sprouted in Chicago in late February and nearly all the ice on the Great Lakes melted away. It turned into the second-warmest February and ninth-warmest March on record for the Lower 48.

But Phil should be credited for making the correct call in 2016 when he predicted an early spring. That year there was a super El Niño, a warming of tropical Pacific Ocean waters, that pumped up temperatures over much of the country.

Over the long haul, few can agree on the groundhog’s accuracy.

Phil’s official website claims he has “of course” issued a correct forecast 100 percent of the time. But the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration notes that Phil’s forecasts have shown “no predictive skill”.

AccuWeather finds the rodent has an 80 percent accuracy rate. But the StormFax Almanac reports that Phil has been right a lowly 39 percent of the time.

The origins of Groundhog Day are traced back to the 1700s when German settlers arrived in the United States, bringing a tradition known as Candlemas Day, a celebration of the midpoint between the winter solstice and spring equinox. About a century later, it was reimagined as Groundhog Day. “According to superstition, sunny skies that day signify a stormy and cold second half of winter while cloudy skies indicate the arrival of warm weather,” explains NOAA’s website.

In essence, one can now think of Feb. 2 as a winter halftime show starring Phil and his forecast.

But Phil doesn’t own the stage. Groundhog Day-like festivities are held in several regions of North America where other beloved marmots make their predictions, including:

The official website of Punxsutawney Phil counters he is the “only true weather forecasting groundhog” and that the others are “just impostors.”

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