Trump’s breaking point with Price

Tom Price’s downfall was his penchant for pricey jets.

But his demise was months in the making, as the president continued to lose trust in the Health and Human Services secretary who rarely attended Oval Office strategy meetings, had little sway or influence on Capitol Hill, and was associated in the president’s mind with one of the administration’s biggest defeats — the failure to repeal Obamacare.

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Of particular notoriety: A picture of Price in March drinking at Bullfeathers, a famed Capitol Hill bar, as his colleagues tried to wrangle votes for the president’s signature initiative.

Price’s lack of goodwill with Trump and other senior administration officials ultimately doomed his chances of survival, even though many administration officials believed the furor would blow over when news first broke that Price spent hundreds of thousands of taxpayer dollars on private jets.

By early this week, however, it became clear that the growing firestorm over Price’s travel was only getting worse. A number of officials in the White House said HHS had badly handled the response to the controversy — and was caught off guard by the facts. And it was hard to find a power player in the White House who would defend Price to the president.

POLITICO published five stories over the last 10 days that revealed Price had spent more than $1 million in taxpayer money on travel since May, including overseas flights on military aircrafts and more than two dozen domestic trips on private planes.

Other media outlets amplified the revelations, with cable news frequently running damaging chyrons and reporters peppering Trump and press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders about the growing scandal throughout the week.

The president grew more angry, fuming to West Wing aides about the optics of a member of the administration spending so lavishly. The almost daily drip of revelations — including that Price took a government-funded private jet in August to get to a Georgia resort where he and his wife own land — further incensed the president.

Meanwhile, Trump was intensely frustrated by his unsuccessful health care push and associated Price with the failure, several aides said. He joked at a rally in July he would fire Price if he didn’t get the votes for the Obamacare repeal.

While the White House has weathered a steady stream of mini-scandals since Trump took office, this one was different, according to administration officials, because it made Price look like the kind of creature of Washington that the president had railed against on the campaign trail.

Trump himself blasted Price on Friday for what he suggested was frivolous spending in light of the administration’s efforts to impose fiscal conservatism on the federal government.

“I’ve saved hundreds of millions of dollars,” the president told reporters on Friday when he was asked if he had lost confidence in Price. “So I don’t like the optics of what you just saw.”

Administration officials grew increasingly certain on Friday that Price would be ousted, but the final decision happened quickly, according to aides, who had cautioned as late as Friday afternoon that Trump might change his mind.

Though he nurtured a reputation as a ruthless boss on The Apprentice, Trump often hesitates to fire people — and sometimes takes weeks to make a final decision. In this case though, the president was counseled that the travel stories had become a distraction from his policy agenda, especially his tax reform push, according to an administration official.

There was also little personal chemistry between the two men.

The president was initially attracted to Price because he was a doctor, a supporter and “looked the part,” one adviser with direct knowledge said, plus he was given positive reviews from House Speaker Paul Ryan and others on Capitol Hill.

He soon became a bit player in the administration.

Price was often left out of senior level meetings in the Oval Office on Obamacare repeal, even as other top deputies attended, according to several people with knowledge of the matter.

The president and a number of top aides had little faith in his political instincts.

Leading the effort to negotiate with senators on the Hill was Seema Verma from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and Marc Short, head of legislative affairs. Two senior White House officials said Price’s relationships at the Capitol were not as good as he promised — and that some members preferred not to deal with him. Many members saw him as prickly and not particularly likable, one senior GOP aide said, damaging his ability to negotiate.

Andrew Bremberg, the head of the White House’s Domestic Policy Council, was more involved in policy decisions than Price, these people said.

Price was often out of town during key stretches of the presidency, and while several senior officials said they weren’t aware of his private jet use, there was a general consensus that he was often nowhere to be found.

“I didn’t know he was on private jets,” one senior administration official said. “I knew he was never there.”

Price’s press office initially reassured the White House that the story would quickly pass and argued that Price needed charter jets to respond to public health emergencies like the recent hurricanes.

After POLITICO identified at least 17 charter flights that took place before the first storm — Hurricane Harvey — hit in late August, and included flights that did not appear to be for urgent public health priorities, HHS then changed its argument: Price needed charter aircraft “to accommodate his demanding schedule,” a spokesperson allowed last week.

As he often does when making a big decision, the president began making calls on Thursday night and Friday morning to ask whether he should fire Price.

Trump also told aides that if Price had a defense, he would give it. “I don’t think he has any defense for it,” one person said, summarizing Trump’s comments. “He is just taking it.”

Price did make a last-ditch effort to save his job, announcing on Thursday that he would reimburse the federal government for the cost of his seat on the domestic flights, a figure that reportedly totals nearly $52,000 — just a fraction of the total cost of the trips. The president didn’t like that Price was only offering to pay back some of the flights, and was struck by TV coverage that showed the total cost as more than $1 million, officials said.

The secretary also tried to go on Fox News and assuage the president. It didn’t work.

Rumors began swirling in HHS early Friday that Price might be fired. But, in an apparent sign of how quickly the final decision was made, Price was conducting business as usual late Friday.

Just minutes before Price’s resignation became official, the secretary sent an email to HHS officials outlining next steps on the “Reimagine HHS initiative,” a broad reorganizational effort of the department that was expected to result in staff reductions. The email outlined senior HHS officials who will be spearheading the process.

“Thank you for all your dedication and support, and we look forward to being in touch soon,” Price wrote, according to the email, which was obtained by POLITICO.

Across town at the White House, Trump’s chief of staff John Kelly was calling Hill leadership to tell them Price was out.

One senior official said the tipping point was when the White House couldn’t contain the scandal and it became an administration-wide story.

Other members of Trump’s Cabinet were coming under increased criticism for their use of military and private aircraft, including Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt, Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin.

“Got to the point he was causing problems for everybody,” this person said. “He could have lasted maybe if it didn’t just get worse every day.”

Packers win easily over Bears on injury-plagued night


A strange night in Green Bay, interrupted by a 47-minute lightning delay, ended in a familiar fashion. The Packers’ 35-14 victory over the visiting Chicago Bears was notable for its total lack of suspense, the home team holding a two-touchdown lead before the Bears even ran a second offensive play.

The comfortable margin of victory comes at a great time for a Packers team beset by injuries and erratic play through September. Coach Mike McCarthy’s crew hasn’t played particularly well yet and they have been particularly unlucky, yet the team hits the quarter mark of the season at 3-1. That’s how successful organizations manage the schedule and the Packers should be happy to avoid digging another early season hole to the season. Here’s what we learned:


1. This felt like a Pyrrhic victory in some ways for the Packers because of all the injuries. The scariest one happened when wide receiver Davante Adams was taken off the field in a stretcher after taking a vicious hit to the helmet from Bears linebacker Danny Trevathan. (Adams was taken to a hospital for evaluation with a head and neck injury. He was conscious and had feeling in all his extremities.)

It wasn’t the only Packers injury. As NFL Network’s Rich Eisen sagely put it, the annual ritual of the Packers being forced to play a running back you’ve never heard of has arrived. Starter Ty Montgomery, who has played a higher percentage of snaps than any running back in football, broke his ribs early on the team’s first drive, stayed in for several carries, and left after five rushes for 26 yards. Montgomery’s backup Jamaal Williams subsequently hurt his knee, leaving rookie runner Aaron Jones and fullback Aaron Ripkowski to take over. Packers inside linebacker Joe Thomas, who made a crucial pass breakup early in the game, left with a knee injury.

2. Trevathan is at risk of facing a hefty fine or even possibly a suspension for the hit. The league’s ownership made a point of emphasis this offseason that a player can be ejected immediately for a particularly egregious hit to the helmet and a suspension is possible even for a first-time offender. Trevathan was not ejected, but could be at risk of missing time.


3. Playing without both his starting tackles, Aaron Rodgers did a great job managing this game. He threw for four touchdowns and 179 yards on only 26 attempts because he wasn’t required to do more. Rodgers got the ball out of his hands quickly on the team’s opening drive and didn’t force the issue for much of the night. His 58-yard completion to Jordy Nelson late in the first half, in which Rodgers avoided pressure to step up in the pocket and flip the ball deep downfield, is a play that perhaps no other quarterback could make.

“I’m so proud of my guys up front,” Rodgers told CBS sideline reporter Tracy Wolfson after the game. “Those guys battled all night, I’m really proud of them. That’s a great group of guys … they had a great approach tonight. We kind of have a mantra going on right now, ‘no excuses.’ Those guys stepped up and played really well tonight and I’m proud of them.”

4. This Packers defense is completely different when outside linebacker Clay Matthews is playing well. Matthews was off to his best start in years leading into Thursday night, then set the tone in this game with a sack-fumble on Chicago’s first offensive play. Matthews became the franchise’s all-time sack leader with the play. After a few down years, it would be a huge boon to Green Bay if they can get Matthews and fellow edge rusher Nick Perry cooking at the same time.


5. Bears starting quarterback Mike Glennon had a night to forget. He lost a fumble on his first dropback and watched a bad snap bounce off his knee right back to the Packers later in the first quarter. Glennon mixed in some nice throws while completing 21 of 33 passes for 218 yards and a score, but he threw two ugly interceptions. Glennon has five interceptions and five fumbles in four games. Coach John Fox is not a fan of playing rookies early, but No. 2 overall pick Mitchell Trubisky could give this team a spark. At 1-3, Fox could be staring at his final season as Bears head coach unless he does the most un-Fox thing possible and plays a rookie quarterback.

“We have 11 days to evaluate, do things necessary for us to improve, and that’s across the board,” Fox said. “We need to make a lot of changes. We will evaluate everything. We got a lot of work to do here before we line up here against Minnesota on Monday night, and we will evaluate everything.”

6. The Packers’ defense did a great job limiting Bears running backs Jordan Howard and Tarik Cohen to a combined 77 yards on 24 carries. As CBS analyst Tony Romo pointed out, the Bears’ running game is limited by Glennon’s lack of mobility and inability to run bootlegs and pass plays with a moving pocket. A change is gonna come at quarterback in Chicago. The only question is when.

Elon Musk’s Mars colonization update: start time, streaming, and what to expect

One year after Elon Musk unveiled his grand plans to send humans to Mars, the SpaceX CEO is ready to make some refinements. Musk is returning to the same annual space conference where he made that original announcement, the International Astronautical Congress, to detail the new version of those plans. His speech starts tonight at 12:30AM ET (September 29th), and you can watch it above (or right here on YouTube).

We already know Musk’s revamped solar system colonization plan will now include a focus on the Moon, because earlier this evening he posted a rendering of a SpaceX Moon base on Instagram. The photo shows two of the company’s futuristic Mars Colonial Transporters sitting on the surface of the Moon with the Earth in the background.

What we hope to learn during his speech is not just what Musk thinks SpaceX could do on the Moon, but the reason for this recapitulation. After all, it was at last year’s IAC that he said that a permanent human presence on the Moon would be “challenging.” It could be a commercial play — after all, going to the Moon would be cheaper, and Musk has openly joked that he’s not sure how he will fund this massive spaceship or the launcher it requires. It could also be a nod to the shifting winds of the space industry, which have changed thanks to the priorities of the Trump administration.

Fear not, though, Mars fans. Musk also showed off a rendering of a “Mars city” on Instagram this evening, and so he likely has lots more in store for the speech. (This is an eccentric billionaire we’re talking about, after all.) There are also tons of questions still left unanswered from last year’s presentation. If you want to get educated — or speculate — while you wait, our own space reporter Loren Grush broke down what to expect from tonight’s talk earlier this week.

Pressure Rises at UN on Myanmar Over Rohingya Crisis

Ms. Haley’s remarks were the strongest she has yet made on the crisis, and raised the possibility that the United States might reimpose sanctions on Myanmar that were rescinded under the Obama administration.

Mr. Guterres, who led United Nations refugee operations for 10 years, demanded an immediate halt to military operations by Myanmar’s security forces against Rohingya civilians and called for unfettered access by aid groups to areas that have been cut off.

“We have received bone-chilling accounts from those who had fled — mainly women, children and the elderly,” he told the Security Council.

Myanmar’s national security adviser, U Thaung Tun, who also attended the meeting, reiterated the government’s rejection of accusations that it has systematically persecuted the Rohingya. He described the military’s actions in Rakhine State, the center of the crisis, as counterterrorism operations against Rohingya militants who killed members of the security forces on Aug. 25.

He also asserted that Myanmar wanted friendly relations with Bangladesh, where the total population of Rohingya refugees is nearing one million. Myanmar’s outreach to Bangladesh, he said, “gives the lie to the assertion that there is a policy of ethnic cleansing on our part.”

Hours before the Security Council meeting, officials in Myanmar abruptly postponed a planned visit by representatives of United Nations aid agencies and diplomats to Rakhine State.

Video

Inside a Rohingya Refugee Camp

Our correspondent reports from a sprawling makeshift city that houses hundreds of thousands of Rohingya people, driven from their homes by Myanmar’s military.


By BEN C. SOLOMON on Publish Date September 23, 2017.


Photo by Ben C. Solomon/The New York Times.

Watch in Times Video »

The hosts blamed bad weather and said the trip would be postponed until Oct. 2, even though the envoys had gathered at the airport in Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial capital, to board their flight.

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Thousands of Rohingya refugees continue to flee into Bangladesh. A Bangladeshi diplomat said 20,000 had arrived on Wednesday alone.

Some have walked for days in search of safety, others have made the dangerous journey by boat, made even more treacherous by the monsoon rains.

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At least 15 Rohingya people, including nine children, were killed Thursday when the trawler carrying them capsized in the Bay of Bengal. Their bodies washed up on the shore alongside some survivors.

“The women and children couldn’t swim,” one survivor, Nuru Salam, 22, told reporters. He had tried to cross with his entire family, he said, when the boat tipped. His son drowned, and he was still searching for his wife.

The International Organization for Migration, the United Nations agency that has been monitoring the influx of Rohingya into Bangladesh, said about 100 people had boarded the vessel a day earlier.

A young women who made it to shore said the captain had tried to anchor the boat in rough seas and lost control. Local residents saw the boat capsize from shore.

“These people thought they had finally arrived to safety but died before even touching land,” said Abdullah Al Mamoun, an International Organization for Migration staff member.

Nearly half of Myanmar’s Rohingya population has fled into Bangladesh since the government crackdown began. Survivors have recounted massacres in their villages in Rakhine State, both by government security forces and allied mobs.

Those who reach Bangladesh face overcrowded, unsanitary conditions in the makeshift camps for the displaced. The United Nations refugee agency has expressed concern about a health crisis.

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“We are trying to prepare ourselves, but if not enough is done, and not done quickly enough, then there is a risk of a disaster within a disaster,” said Hervé Isambert, the refugee agency’s senior public health officer.

Those Rohingya left behind in Myanmar have been cut off from aid.

In a statement on Thursday, aid groups, including Oxfam and Save the Children, called on the Myanmar government to allow free access to Rakhine so they could “provide lifesaving humanitarian assistance.”

Officials associated with the office of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto leader, have accused international aid groups of abetting Rohingya militants. Aid groups have rejected the accusations.


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It was candidate Trump’s best trick. Now it’s stalling President Trump’s agenda.

After eight months of negotiations, White House officials and Republican leaders last week arrived at a secret, hard-fought compromise: They would push to lower the corporate tax rate to 20 percent.

On Sunday, President Trump walked alone to a group of reporters on a runway in New Jersey and told them his preference for the corporate tax: 15 percent.

It’s indicative of an approach Trump has employed throughout his presidency: He has taken a hands-off approach to working out policy details, keeping clear of granular discussions and declining to take a stand on the thorniest questions. When plans are almost ready, he has — again and again — demanded that they be, in vague terms, better.

The approach was successful as a presidential candidate: It allowed Trump to promise his presidency would yield big benefits for his supporters. But by not laying out details of how he planned to deliver, Trump left his opponents with little to latch onto.

As president, however, it has yet to yield a major legislative victory — despite Republicans controlling both the House and Senate.

“It’s the chickens coming home to roost,” said Douglas Holtz-Eakin, a former Congressional Budget Office director who advised Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) during his 2008 presidential run. “This operating style I don’t think serves the process very well, and I think he got trapped into it by not being specific enough on the campaign.”

Now, Trump and congressional Republicans are getting another chance to claim a big victory — an opportunity to rewrite the U.S. tax code for the first time in three decades. So far, Trump has shown no signs of modifying his approach.

After dozens of closed-door meetings and public hearings, the White House and GOP leaders have still not sorted through many of the most vital details of Trump’s promise to deliver the largest tax cut in U.S. history.

There is, in short, no hammered-out tax plan, only a nine-page framework of GOP goals that have yet to be filled in or agreed to. Lawmakers now plan to clash over the details, with the White House staying in touch but giving them room to negotiate.

They stuck with the 20 percent tax-rate target in the “unified framework” released Wednesday, but some people close to Trump fear he might waver again.

Speaking Wednesday in Indiana, Trump said the tax rate would end up being “no higher than 20 percent,” leaving the door open for him to keep trying to push it lower.

“These tax cuts are significant,” he said. “There’s never been tax cuts like we’re talking about.”

The nine-page document released Wednesday pales in scope to the 461-page tax plan the Reagan administration offered in 1985 that helped shepherd the last tax overhaul into law.

On health care, infrastructure, the deficit and a range of other issues, the Trump administration has stopped short of specifying its platform.

On Tuesday, Trump told a handful of Republicans and Democrats in a White House meeting that he was now opposed to public-private partnerships for infrastructure programs. He cited the example of a toll road in northern Indiana that fell into bankruptcy.

“He dismissed it categorically and said it doesn’t work,” said Rep. Brian Higgins (D-N.Y.), who brought up the issue with Trump at the White House. “And in fact, pointed to [Vice President Pence] and said they tried in their state and it didn’t work.”

Senior administration officials were flabbergasted. They had spent months designing a $1 trillion infrastructure plan that centered on the idea of privatizing roads, air traffic control systems and other networks. On Wednesday, they were still trying to sort through whether Trump had misspoken or changed policy.

Trump’s team had planned to issue his infrastructure plan in May, but they have been beset by delays, in part because they cannot agree on how to finance the entire operation.

The indecision has been most evident on health-care policy.

Trump vowed to roll back the Affordable Care Act on his first day in office, but the White House never advanced a single substantive health-care proposal, relying instead on Congress, which failed multiple times to enact changes into law. When the House passed a bill in June, Trump said he supported it and hosted a Rose Garden celebration with dozens of lawmakers.

He later complained to Senate Republicans that the bill was “mean” and said they needed to change it. He didn’t specify how.

Similarly, he has cast about for ways to construct a wall along the U.S. border with Mexico, but the Trump administration has not settled on any approach, and key decisions keep getting postponed.

His budget proposal was so sparse on details that the Congressional Budget Office said they could not adequately review it, adding that “the proposals . . . are in many cases not sufficiently specified,” and in some cases found the White House’s economic claims would “not be achievable.” There is not a complete White House plan to eliminate the deficit or expand access to health care, things that Trump has promised voters.

This is markedly different from past White House operations, which have often buried Capitol Hill in paperwork and policy proposals hoping to have a lead role in how bills are written.

President Barack Obama’s top aides in 2009 helped write a 1,000-page draft health-care bill that would serve as an initial iteration of the Affordable Care Act, drawing support and opposition to a debate that would last for months.

To be sure, that approach does not always work. The Clinton administration tried to play a lead role in the drafting of health-care changes, but Congress balked and it ended up a chief unfinished goal of Bill Clinton’s presidency.

Trump administration officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to comment on sensitive discussions, said they took a cautious approach with the tax plan, in part to avoid looking as if they cut a secret deal without input from lawmakers. They also wanted to defer, at times, to lawmakers who had spent years working on tax cuts. National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn has said the plan was for the White House to serve as a “guiding light.”

But lawmakers and senior Capitol Hill aides were also skeptical that Cohn and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, their main interlocutors, could negotiate on behalf of Trump, who is famous for changing his mind on some occasions and refusing to budge on others.

White House officials say they learned a hard lesson from the failed effort to roll back the Affordable Care Act, which featured numerous competing GOP plans the party never coalesced around. By moving more slowly on tax cuts, White House officials hope, they have a greater chance to bring people aboard.

Those decisions will now be tested.

The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimates that the new GOP framework would cut taxes by $5.8 trillion and recoup $3.6 trillion by eliminating mostly unspecified tax deductions that many companies will fight to preserve. Even if all those battles are won, it will lead to a $2.2 trillion gap in revenue over 10 years, the committee forecast, a level that could prove difficult to push through Congress.

Trump has shown an element of urgency on the tax push, though, and he has told aides he wants it completed by the end of the year. Still, Republican leaders struggled for months to reach agreements on specifics, at times leaving final decisions for later. For example, the tax framework does not mention raising taxes on hedge fund managers, even though Trump has promised to do that for months.

And negotiators haggled for weeks about a way to ensure the wealthy did not benefit disproportionately from the tax overhaul, but they never agreed on how to prevent it.

Republicans on Capitol Hill seemed willing to step in now and try to take the nine-page framework and mold it into a tax bill, which many of them say will give lawmakers a bigger say in the process.

“I’m actually grateful they’re letting us fill in many of the blanks,” said Rep. Carlos Curbelo (R-Fla.).

Mnuchin had long said the goal for the tax-cut bill was to pass it by August, but Republicans working on the plan didn’t even have the nine-page framework by then. Now, lawmakers have only a couple of months to decide which tax breaks to jettison, what changes should be permanent,and whether to prevent the wealthy from receiving too much as part of the deal. Administration officials want the tax deal to be finished by the end of the year.

As Republicans push forward, advisers to Trump’s predecessor warn that the White House has completely miscalculated the amount of planning and details necessary to convince the public that such a plan has been properly vetted.

“I’ve never seen an administration that so overpromised in terms of specific plans and underdelivered,” said Jason Furman, who served as deputy director of the National Economic Council and chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers during the Obama administration. “They promised detailed plans on everything and have put forward plans on nothing.”

Mike DeBonis and Tory Newmyer contributed to this report.

Tom Price apologizes for private-charter flights, pledges to repay taxpayers nearly $52000


Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price says he will repay the federal treasury for some of his recent travels. (Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg)

This post has been updated.

Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price said Thursday that he would reimburse the government for a fraction of the costs of his flights on charter planes in recent months, after coming under sharp criticism from members of both parties for the expensive practice.

“Today, I will write a personal check to the U.S. Treasury for the expenses of my travel on private charter planes. The taxpayers won’t pay a dime for my seat on those planes,” Price said in a statement, adding that he will no longer take private planes while serving as secretary. “No exceptions.”

The move came as House and Senate investigators are pressing Price, as well as other Cabinet members, to disclose the extent to which they have relied on noncommercial travel to travel across the United States and overseas. The recent revelations about these costly trips on military and private aircraft, at a time when the same officials have proposed dramatic cuts in the agencies they oversee, has put the administration on the defensive.

Price has come under the most intense scrutiny — President Trump chastised him publicly Wednesday and suggested his job was no longer secure — but lawmakers are also demanding probes of travel by Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin. Pruitt has taken at least four noncommercial and military flights since mid-February, according to congressional oversight records, costing taxpayers more than $58,000, while Mnuchin is under investigation by the Treasury inspector general for his use of a government plane to visit Kentucky as well as one for a trip from New York City to Washington.

And a private plane chartered this summer by Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke, for a flight from Las Vegas to near his home in Montana, cost taxpayers $12,375, according to a department spokesman. Zinke also used private flights during a trip to the Virgin Islands.

Last week, Price’s office explained that he had turned to chartered jets when needed for the most efficient and effective travel in managing his department and maintaining contact with the public.

“This is Secretary Price, getting outside of D.C., making sure he is connected with the real American people,” said Charmaine Yoest, his assistant secretary for public affairs.

An HHS official said Thursday that Price would write a check for $51,887.31, which appears to cover the cost of his seat on chartered flights but not those of his staffers. Politico, which first reported on Price’s repeated use of chartered jets, has estimated the total expense of the trips exceeded $400,000 — and it reported early Thursday evening that his White House-approved flights on military planes to Africa, Europe and Asia cost more than $500,000.

Yoest said in an interview that Price needed the military aircraft for secure communications during the overseas trips, which included roughly half a dozen aides. His wife Betty also joined him, she added, but Price covered the cost of her travel.

“Being able to maintain secure communications with the secretary is also something of particular concern without a deputy secretary,” she said, and the number of aides accompanying him depends “on who are the experts he needs have with him.”

Both of Price’s overseas trips addressed issues of global health security. His trip to Africa and Europe in May included stops in Liberia, the site of the 2014 Ebola outbreak; the first G-20 health ministers’ summit in Berlin; and a meeting of the World Health Assembly in Geneva. His August trip to China, Vietnam, and Japan consisted of meetings with foreign officials and health experts.

White House spokesman Raj Shah said using “military aircraft for cabinet and other essential travelers is sometimes an appropriate and necessary use of resources” and such requests are closely reviewed. Officials have “limited support missions to travel that is central to the White House’s mission.”

Although the secretary said in his statement that his private-charter travel had been approved by legal and HHS officials, he added that he regretted “the concerns this has raised regarding the use of taxpayer dollars.”

“All of my political career I’ve fought for the taxpayers,” Price said. “It is clear to me that in this case, I was not sensitive enough to my concern for the taxpayer. I know as well as anyone that the American people want to know that their hard-earned dollars are being spent wisely by government officials.”

Price said he will continue to cooperate fully with the HHS inspector general’s office, which is reviewing the flights. He also said he has initiated his own departmental review to determine if any changes or reforms are necessary.

On Wednesday, Trump was noncommittal about whether he would ask Price to resign. Responding to questions from reporters at the White House, Trump said he was “looking into” details of the secretary’s travels and that “personally, I’m not happy about it, and I let him know it.”

It is unclear whether Price’s gesture to defray part of the flights’ cost will be enough to save his job; the White House did not comment on that matter after his announcement.

At a briefing before Price issued his statement Thursday, White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said the president and his aides were waiting to see what happened with the HHS inspector general’s probe and other investigations also underway. House Democrats, who requested the inspector general’s involvement, have said Price’s flights appeared to violate federal law intended to ensure that executive branch officials use the most economical travel available.

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) asked Trump on Thursday to impose a government-wide ban on the use of charter flights by administration officials and to detail “what steps the administration has taken to ensure that cabinet secretaries use the most fiscally responsible travel in accordance with the public trust they hold and the spirit and the letter of all laws, regulations, and policies that apply.”

That followed a request Tuesday by the chairman and ranking member of the House Oversight Committee that Price and more than 20 other agency heads list all use of private, charter aircraft and government-owned aircraft by political employees since the president’s inauguration.

The Treasury inspector general is reviewing all of Mnuchin’s flights and his travel requests, including one his office made for a government jet to fly him and his wife, Louise Linton, on a honeymoon trip to Europe this summer.

“We’re going through this process, we’re going to do a full review and we’ll see what happens,” Sanders told reporters.

“To be clear, the White House does not have a role on the front end of approving private charter flights at agencies,” she said. “That’s something we’re certainly looking into from this point forward and have asked a halt to be put, particularly at HHS, on any private charter flights.”

Even some of Price’s longtime allies have questioned his frequent use of private aircraft to journey to places where he owns property, such as St. Simons Island, Ga., and Nashville. One trip included a get-together with his son.

Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), who chairs the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies, said in an interview Wednesday that the juxtaposition of the secretary’s lavish trips and the budget cuts he i seeking posed a serious problem.

“Optics matter in politics,” Cole said.

Lena H. Sun and John Wagner contributed to this report.

 

Senator Berates Twitter Over ‘Inadequate’ Inquiry Into Russian Meddling

Twitter identified only 22 accounts on its platform that were directly tied to the Russian Facebook pages and then discovered another 179 accounts that were “related or linked” to the Facebook accounts. None were registered on the site as advertisers, the company said.

Twitter did not immediately respond to Mr. Warner’s criticism.

Representative Adam B. Schiff of California, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, was more diplomatic about Twitter’s briefing for House investigators, calling it “good, but preliminary.”

“I think there is a great deal more that we need to know, a great deal more that Twitter needs to find out,” he said. Mr. Schiff said Twitter faced greater difficulty in tracing accounts because its users provide less information than Facebook users when they sign up.

“At the same time, I don’t think we have more than scratched the surface of our understanding of how the Russians may have used that platform,” he said.

Senator Richard Burr of North Carolina, the Senate Intelligence Committee’s Republican chairman, would not answer questions about the briefing on Thursday, and his spokeswoman declined to comment. Mr. Warner said that he and Mr. Burr would hold a news conference as soon as next week to update the public on their investigation and try to draw attention to the continuing threat by foreign entities to the American political system.

In a statement issued on its blog, Twitter did not address extensive research by outside experts that has identified far more suspected Russian activity during and since the election.

The cybersecurity company FireEye found hundreds of automated accounts linked to Russian hacking groups, which sent out messages critical of Hillary Clinton and the Democrats last year.

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Nor did Twitter address a web “dashboard” set up last month by researchers to track and compile statistics on 600 Twitter accounts that the researchers believe to be linked to the Russian government or to have a longstanding pattern of repeating its propaganda. The company’s statement said nothing about still-functioning Twitter accounts of DCLeaks and Guccifer 2.0, which American intelligence officials identified last year as created by Russian agents to distribute emails and documents obtained by hacking.

Mr. Warner said he was “more than a bit surprised in light of all of the public interest in this subject over the last few weeks that anyone from the Twitter team would think that the presentation they made to Senate staff today even began to answer the kinds of questions that we’d asked.”

He said the company had much more work to do.

“This raises at an even greater level the necessity that the American public has the ability to know when they are seeing a political ad, who’s behind it — particularly if it is being sponsored by foreign agents,” he said.

In its briefings for congressional investigators and its public statement, Twitter did not identify any of the suspect accounts by name. The company said it had suspended accounts that violated its terms of service, suggesting that it had allowed some of the Russia-linked accounts to continue to function.

Clinton Watts, a former F.B.I. agent who has tracked suspected Russian activity on Twitter for several years, said the platform had proved especially vulnerable to abuse, in part because the company demands little information from users. Twitter was used for years by the Islamic State for propaganda and recruiting, though much of that activity has now been shut down.

“Bad people can do what they want on this platform,” said Mr. Watts, a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia. “I think they have real problems trying to trace the Russian activity.”

Facebook briefed the two intelligence committees on Sept. 6 and revealed that it had connected 470 profiles and pages to a shadowy Russian company with Kremlin links called the Internet Research Agency. It said the pages had placed 3,000 ads on Facebook costing about $100,000. It found another $50,000 in ads that it believed might have a Russian source.

While some of the pages and ads praised Donald J. Trump and excoriated Mrs. Clinton, Facebook said that most of the material sought to exacerbate divisions over immigration, race, guns, gay rights and other incendiary issues. Members of the Congressional Black Caucus wrote a letter this week to Facebook’s chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, asking the company to look more deeply into the Russian activity.

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Congressional investigators want to know more about how the Russia-linked Facebook ads were targeted to specific geographic and demographic groups. Officials familiar with Facebook’s briefings for Congress confirmed a CNN report that Russia-linked Facebook ads promoting the Black Lives Matter movement were specifically targeted at residents of Baltimore and Ferguson, Mo., both of which had been roiled by protests in response to police violence against black men.

Mr. Warner said on Thursday that the committee was still waiting for Facebook to deliver a set of ads that it had identified. He said he expected the material to be delivered by early next week.

The Senate committee has asked Google officials to come for a private briefing in the coming weeks, according to a congressional aide who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the aide was not authorized to discuss the matter publicly. The committee has invited Facebook, Twitter and Google to testify on Nov. 1.

The House Intelligence Committee announced on Wednesday that it intended to hold its own public hearing with tech companies next month, but it has yet to announce a date.


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1 dead, 1 injured after rock fall at Yosemite National Park, official says

YOSEMITE NATIONAL PARK, Calif. — A massive rock fall Wednesday on the granite face of El Capitan in Yosemite National Park killed one person and injured another at the height of climbing season, an official said. 

At least 30 climbers were on the wall at the time, but it was not clear if the victims were climbers or tourists, ranger Scott Gediman said.

“It was witnessed by a lot of people,” he said.

The injured person was taken to a hospital near the park. The extent of the surviving climber’s injuries are unknown, CBS Sacramento reports. No names were immediately released. 

El Capitan is one of the world’s largest granite monoliths towering 4,000 feet above Yosemite Valley. It appears to have happened near the Waterfall Route on the east buttress of El Capitan, where Horsetail Fall flows in the winter and spring.

Several people made emergency calls, reporting the rock fall from the Waterfall route on the east buttress of El Capitan.

Officials didn’t provide details on the size of the rock fall, but climbers posted pictures on social media from hundreds of feet up the wall showing billowing white dust moments after the crash.

Mountaineers from around the world travel to the park in the Sierra Nevada to scale El Capitan’s sheer face. Fall is one of the peak seasons because the days are long and the weather is warm.

Ken Yager, president and founder of the Yosemite Climbing Association, reviewed photos of the cliff face and debris field, estimating the relatively thin piece that broke off covered an area big enough to fit five houses.

“It cratered and sent stuff mushrooming out in all directions,” said Yager, fearing that its victim was someone he knew from the climbing community.

Rock falls are common in Yosemite but seldom fatal.

Climber Kevin Jorgeson said he and climbing partner Tommy Caldwell witnessed a massive rock fall in the same area while they prepared for a trek that made them the first people to free-climb the Dawn Wall on El Capitan in 2015.

First they heard a rumble and then they saw a white cloud of dust.

“Yosemite is just a really active, wild place. It’s always changing,” Jorgeson said. “It doesn’t make it any less tragic when someone gets in the way of that.”

In 2013, a rock dislodged and severed the rope of a Montana climber who was scaling El Capitan.

Mason Robison, 38, fell about 230 feet to his death. It was Robison’s gear digging into the side of the mountain that caused the rock to dislodge.

Yosemite remained open after Wednesday’s rock fall, and other activities throughout the park weren’t affected, rangers said. 

Alabama defeat leaves Trump weakened, isolated amid mounting challenges

As he headed to Huntsville, Ala., in a last-ditch effort to lift the floundering campaign of Sen. Luther Strange, President Trump was fuming — feeling dragged along by GOP senators who had pleaded with him to go and increasingly unenthusiastic about Strange, whom he described to aides as loyal but “low energy.”

His agitation only worsened on the flight back last Friday. Trump bemoaned the headlines he expected to see once Strange was defeated — that he had stumbled and lost his grip on “my people,” as he calls his core voters. He also lamented the rally crowd’s tepid response to the 6-foot-9 incumbent he liked to call “Big Luther.”

“Trump was never fully behind Strange to begin with,” former Republican National Committee chairman Michael Steele said Wednesday after Strange was trounced in Tuesday’s GOP primary in Alabama. “But the party coaxed and cajoled him to get on the Strange train, and he did.”

For Trump, the trip to Alabama marked the dispiriting start to one of the lowest and perhaps most damaging stretches of his already troubled presidency, leaving him further weakened and isolated with few ways out of the thicket of challenges he faces, according to a half dozen people close to him interviewed on Wednesday.

His political vitality within his party — counted upon by Republicans who fear primary challenges in next year’s midterm elections — suddenly stands in question, as neither his vocal campaigning nor millions of dollars from the Republican establishment could save Strange from defeat by insurgent challenger Roy Moore.

Trump’s legislative agenda lies in tatters, as Senate Republicans failed again this week to rally around legislation that would gut former president Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act. He is also increasingly under siege by members of both parties for his administration’s response to Hurricane Maria, which has left Puerto Rico devastated and begging for help from Washington.

By Wednesday, the downtrodden president tried to start anew by unveiling a tax plan at an event in Indiana — a proposal immediately met with withering attacks from the left as a deficit-busting giveaway to the rich and from the right as not aggressive enough in slashing tax rates. The Drudge Report, influential among conservatives, dubbed it “more betrayal.”

Trump also waded back into the health-care debate, falsely stating that the Republican legislation was held up by a hospitalized senator.

“We have the votes for health care. We have one senator that’s in the hospital. He can’t vote because he’s in the hospital,” Trump told reporters on Wednesday — an apparent reference to Sen. Thad Cochran (R-Miss.), who turns 80 in December and has dealt with various health problems.

Cochran responded with a corrective tweet: “Thanks for the well-wishes. I’m not hospitalized, but am recuperating at home in Mississippi and look forward to returning to work soon.”

Trump’s loose, confident talk extended elsewhere on Wednesday. In Indiana, the president was full of bravado as he made his tax pitch — and if there was lingering frustration with Strange, he did not show it.

“These tax cuts are significant,” Trump said at the state fairgrounds. “There’s never been tax cuts like what we’re talking about.”

But Trump’s critics did not buy the president’s assurance and said the tax speech could not paper over his problems.

“In Alabama and with so many things, Trump has helped to light a fire he can’t control, and there’s no sign he knows how to get out of this situation,” said Peter Wehner, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center who worked in George W. Bush’s White House. “It’s going to cause him to lash out more rather than less as he starts to feel like the walls are closing in.”

Several of Trump’s longtime friends and associates said he is doing what he always does in times of trouble: attempt to overwhelm with liveliness. But they acknowledged that Trump may not be enjoying the experience.

“I’m told he’s unhappy,” said veteran Republican consultant Roger Stone. “He’s surrounded by people who don’t understand politics and don’t understand why he won the presidency. Instead of sending a message in Alabama to get behind his policies, they sadly lost the opportunity.”

Said former Trump campaign aide Sam Nunberg, “The president will think about what happened in Alabama and remember everybody who told him to go all in. If you sent him polls from the [U.S.] Chamber of Commerce or the Senate Leadership Fund, the next polls you send will go in his trash can.”

Together, those groups, along with other mainstream GOP organizations, spent more than $10 million to boost Strange.

Congressional Republicans, meanwhile, stewed over their own fates, anxious that Moore, a former state Supreme Court judge, would become a national burden for the party because of the long list of incendiary comments he has made on race, religion and sexuality.

Hushed talk of retirements dominated conversations on Capitol Hill, one day after Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) announced that he would not seek reelection in 2018, with Republican lawmakers wondering whether they could survive a GOP political storm that only seems to be growing.

Former White House chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon, who backed Moore and introduced him at his victory party, encouraged conservative outsiders in Mississippi and other states to move closer to launching Senate bids, one person close to him said.

“There’s a big lesson here: Stick to the program,” Bannon said Wednesday on Breitbart News’s Sirius XM radio show. “There’s a lesson, stick to the program, your base will be there, and you’ll grow your base.”

Steele, however, said Strange’s defeat did not mean Trump had lost his political sway with Republican base voters.

“Voters in Alabama knew the whole endorsement for Strange was a wink and a nod. They got that Moore was a Trump guy,” Steele said. “So did he endorse the candidate who lost? Yes. But the reality is more nuanced than ‘Trump lost in Alabama.’ He lost, but his voters know why and still love him.”

In the West Wing, there was relative calm as officials plowed forward, hoping to leave behind the dramas of Alabama and Trump’s campaign against NFL players protesting police brutality during the national anthem. They agreed with Steele that while the GOP was fractured, Trump’s coalition remained.

“He knew what was coming in Alabama on Friday,” said one person close to Trump. “He knew how McConnell had become an issue there — and he said as much over dinner on Monday.” That evening, Trump had met with a group of prominent conservative leaders at the White House.

The person added, “What he wants to do is get back to taxes, make sure the Senate gets that done as soon as possible.”

Aides said that Trump knew that those who privately supported his endorsement of Strange, such as White House chief of staff John F. Kelly, were doing so because Trump at first was eager to do so and saw a chance to patch up relationships in Congress.

Trump was defensive in his remarks about the race to reporters on Wednesday, a few hours after he deleted a series of pro-Strange tweets. He also characterized Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) as a drag on Strange.

“I have to say, Luther came a long way from the time I endorsed him, and he ran a good race, but Roy ran a really great race,” Trump said, adding that Moore’s campaign used McConnell as a weapon against Strange.

The atmosphere of uncertainty and recriminations following the Alabama race prompted Republicans, even those close to Trump, to feel urgency to pass something — anything — that could somehow stabilize the party.

“If there was ever a time when Republicans feel pressure to perform, it’s now,” said Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), the chairman of the House Freedom Caucus. “If big things don’t get done by Thanksgiving, there really won’t be enough spin to say Republicans here have done anything but fail.”

Puerto Rican devastation could mean more Florida voters


A Puerto Rican street is pictured. | Getty

Sen. Marco Rubio said earlier this week he wanted to make sure that post-Hurricane Maria Puerto Rico didn’t become a Hurricane “Katrina-style” disaster. | Alex Wroblewski / Getty

SAN JUAN — As Puerto Rico slips deeper into what many call a humanitarian crisis following Hurricane Maria, the island is primed for a mass exodus of what could be 1 million people — a sizable number of whom are expected to settle in Florida, the nation’s biggest swing state.

That could well prove to be a boon to Democrats in a state which the past four top-of-the-ticket races have been decided by about a percentage point.

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“It’s going to mean a lot more people voting Democrat in Florida,” Marco Rigau, president of the San Juan municipal assembly, told POLITICO Wednesday, a week ahead of President Donald Trump’s scheduled visit to the commonwealth. “Puerto Ricans don’t like President Trump. When he shows on Tuesday, he’ll say ‘The Puerto Ricans love me’ because people won’t be picketing. But he has no idea.”

Rigau was speaking on the tarmac of Puerto Rico’s Isla Grande Airport, where Miami Beach Mayor Philip Levine, a likely Democratic candidate for Florida governor next year, was delivering 7,000 pounds of supplies a week after Hurricane Maria knocked out power and crippled roads across the island. The relief mission underscored how Florida Democrats like Levine are trying to fashion themselves as the party of solutions while portraying Republicans, led by Trump, as feckless. (A POLITICO reporter was one of two journalists invited to accompany Levine on the trip.)

Local Republicans clearly hear the criticism. Just hours after Levine landed in San Juan and met with its mayor, who hugged and praised him, Florida Gov. Rick Scott — a top Trump surrogate — announced he would travel to Puerto Rico on Thursday to help with relief efforts at the invitation of Puerto Rico’s governor, Ricardo Rosselló.

Scott himself had been facing Democratic calls to do more in Maria’s aftermath. He leaves office next year due to term limits and is considering a bid against Sen. Bill Nelson, a Democrat who might join a Florida congressional delegation trip to the island on Friday.

Scott’s decision to go to Puerto Rico came as the White House public relations apparatus sought to stem growing criticism that Trump has not done enough to respond, even as he posts Twitter messages about NFL players refusing to stand for the national anthem.

White House officials pointed out Wednesday that Puerto Rico’s governor had said Trump had been “phenomenal in this situation,” although Rosselló and others have repeatedly called for more resources and less red tape. They also need a distribution network. The port has loads of supplies baking in unopened shipping containers that haven’t been moved due to a lack of trucks or passable roads.

The intense awareness of Puerto Rican affairs in Florida highlights how crucial the populace is in the Sunshine State, which has more than 1 million people with roots on the island — about the same number as New York. Concentrated largely around Orlando, Puerto Ricans increasingly have become a left-leaning counterweight to Republican-performing Cuban-Americans in the Miami area.

But once in Florida, Puerto Rican voters have proven tough to motivate for the Democratic Party, despite being generally more aligned with liberals than conservatives. Many are registered as independent, no party affiliation voters — and not as Democrats — because they “have seen the failure of partisan politics back home, and that’s why the Puerto Rican vote in Florida is so abysmally low,” said Jorge Bonilla, a Central Florida Republican and Puerto Rican activist.

Bonilla acknowledged Democrats could stand to gain more than Republicans after more Puerto Ricans move here, if the Maria response is botched. But he said Republican Sen. Marco Rubio’s understanding of the crisis, and his decision to raise the alarm about conditions in Puerto Rico, have started to endear him to the community at large.

Rubio said earlier this week he wanted to make sure that post-Maria Puerto Rico didn’t become a Hurricane “Katrina-style” disaster. Progressives have started to call Maria “Trump’s Katrina” and compared conditions at the San Juan airport to the Superdome during the 2005 storm that wrecked New Orleans and damaged President George W. Bush’s approval ratings.

At Isla Grande Airport on Wednesday, Levine stopped short of comparing the two GOP presidents’ responses to the two hurricanes. But he said more needed to be done by the U.S. government and, specifically, by the military.

“If we were attacked by a foreign power, our military would treat this like a war zone. And we need to declare war on this devastation,” Levine said. “Trump is a bad CEO, and it shows.”

San Juan’s mayor, Carmen Yulín Cruz, was more circumspect than Levine when it came to rating the president’s performance. She said Levine “had answered our S.O.S.” but said the call still hasn’t been fully heeded by the federal government. Behind the scenes, there’s also tension between Cruz and the governor, Rosselló, whom she is considering challenging in his reelection.

Asked what message she would like Trump to hear, Cruz quoted John 13:27, where Jesus tells Judas: “What you are going to do, do quickly.”

Cruz estimated that as many as 30 percent of the island’s 3.4 million residents could flee Puerto Rico if it remains in such bad shape. And many will show up in Florida, where the culture, climate and distance are closer to Puerto Rico than New York’s.

David Efron, an attorney who splits his time between Miami and San Juan and traveled with Levine on Wednesday, said the political consequences could be steep for Trump if there’s a mass exodus.

“Trump should be doing everything in his power to rebuild Puerto Rico and keep people here. Otherwise they’re coming to Florida,” he said, “and they’re not voting for Trump.”