Hugh Hefner, Playboy founder, dies at 91

Hugh Hefner, the incurable playboy who built a publishing and entertainment empire on the idea that Americans should shed their puritanical hang-ups and enjoy sex, has died. He was 91.

He died of natural causes at his home, the Playboy Mansion, according to Teri Thomerson, a Playboy spokesperson.

Hefner was the founder of Playboy magazine, launched amid the conservatism of the 1950s, when marriage and domesticity conferred social status. Hefner pitched an alternative standard — swinging singlehood — which portrayed the desire for sex as normal as craving apple pie. He redefined status for a generation of men, replacing lawn mowers and fishing gear with new symbols: martini glasses, a cashmere sweater and a voluptuous girlfriend, the necessary components of a new lifestyle that melded sex and materialism.

Thus, in Playboy magazine, the upwardly mobile man could ogle pictures of naked women called Playmates, chosen personally by Hefner for their large busts and girl-next-door wholesomeness. Surrounding the titillating visuals were interviews with luminaries from Albert Schweitzer to Malcolm X; short stories by such leading writers as Ernest Hemingway and John Updike; and advice columns on such matters as how to prepare the perfect vodka gimlet or appreciate jazz — all of which lent credence to many men’s claims that they bought the magazine for the articles.

Twitter, With Accounts Linked to Russia, to Face Congress Over Role in Election

Since last month, researchers at the Alliance for Securing Democracy, a bipartisan initiative of the German Marshall Fund, a public policy research group in Washington, have been publicly tracking 600 Twitter accounts — human users and suspected bots alike — they have linked to Russian influence operations. Those were the accounts pushing the opposing messages on the N.F.L. and the national anthem.

Of 80 news stories promoted last week by those accounts, more than 25 percent “had a primary theme of anti-Americanism,” the researchers found. About 15 percent were critical of Hillary Clinton, falsely accusing her of funding left-wing antifa — short for anti-fascist — protesters, tying her to the lethal terrorist attack in Benghazi, Libya, in 2012 and discussing her daughter Chelsea’s use of Twitter. Eleven percent focused on wiretapping in the federal investigation into Paul Manafort, President Trump’s former campaign chairman, with most of them treated the news as a vindication for President Trump’s earlier wiretapping claims.

In the face of such public scrutiny, Twitter has said almost nothing about what it knows about Russia’s use of its platform. But Representative Adam Schiff of California, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, said he would like to know exactly what the company has done to find covert Russian activity and what it has discovered so far about fake accounts — including their reach and impact.

“I think right now the public is aware of only a subset of a subset of Russian activity online,” Mr. Schiff said in an interview. He said Facebook long denied that there had been Russian exploitation of its system, before reversing course on Sept. 6.

Mr. Schiff said the tech companies have asked for assistance from American intelligence agencies in trying to find and stop illicit interference from other countries, a request he said he supports.

The House Intelligence Committee announced on Wednesday that it would hold a public hearing on the matter of Russian influence next month, and a Senate aide said Facebook, Twitter and Google have been invited to testify at a Senate Intelligence Committee hearing on Nov. 1.

This month, The New York Times reported on evidence of Russian operators creating hundreds or thousands of fake Twitter accounts to flood the network with anti-Clinton messages during the campaign. The cybersecurity company FireEye identified what it called “warlists” of accounts linked to Russian intelligence that sometimes spewed messages like #WarAgainstDemocrats several times a minute.

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Both DCLeaks and Guccifer 2.0, which spread the leaked emails and documents and were identified as having been created by Russian intelligence, used accounts that Twitter has not suspended, though they have been dormant for months. In some cases, the Russian exploitation of Facebook and Twitter was linked: “Heart of Texas,” a Facebook page advocating the secession of Texas that was identified as one of 470 fake profiles and pages linked to Russia, also had a Twitter feed — now suspended — called @itstimetosecede.

Experts on Russia inside and outside the government say President Vladimir V. Putin had multiple goals in last year’s campaign of hacking, leaking and stealth propaganda. He hoped to damage, if not defeat, Mrs. Clinton, whom he blamed for encouraging pro-democracy protests in Russia and neighboring states.

But Mr. Putin also sought to darken the image of the United States, making it a less attractive model for other countries and reducing its international influence, said Mark R. Jacobson, a Georgetown professor and co-author of a new report on Russian influence operations.

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“I think right now the public is aware of only a subset of a subset of Russian activity online,” said Representative Adam Schiff, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee.

Credit
Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

Last week, Facebook said it was turning over more than 3,000 Russia-linked ads to Congress. Many of those ads, like the opposing Twitter hashtags on the N.F.L. anthem issue, targeted divisions in American society by simultaneously sending conflicting messages to different users segmented by political and racial characteristics.

“What we see over and over again is that a lot of the messaging isn’t about politics, a specific politician, or political parties,” said Laura Rosenberger, director of the Alliance for Securing Democracy. “It’s about creating societal division, identifying divisive issues and fanning the flames.”

Her group’s web “dashboard” is called Hamilton 68. It is named for No. 68 of the Federalist Papers, believed to have been written by Alexander Hamilton, which warns of foreign meddling in American elections. The tool does not identify the activity of specific Twitter users but highlights the activity of the 600 accounts that researchers believe are either tied to the Russian government or repeat the themes of its propaganda.

For its part, Twitter has not said much about what it plans to say in the Congressional briefing.

“Twitter deeply respects the integrity of the election process, a cornerstone of all democracies, and will continue to strengthen our platform against bots and other forms of manipulation that violate our Terms of Service,” Twitter said in a statement.

Twitter has also said it was working to crack down on bots that distribute tweets en masse or that attempt to manipulate the platform’s trending topics.

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Colin Crowell, Twitter’s vice president of public policy, government and philanthropy, said in a blog post in June that the company should not be an arbiter of whether a tweet is truthful or not. Because Twitter is open and real-time, he said the platform is the best antidote to misinformation, when “journalists, experts and engaged citizens Tweet side-by-side correcting and challenging public discourse in seconds.”

Karen North, a social media professor at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, said the company’s defense has some merit.

“Twitter functions more like a broadcast network,” she said. “People say things and everyone can hear it. When false information is stated, people can jump on false statements and challenge it.”

Daisuke Wakabayashi reported from San Francisco and Scott Shane from Washington.


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GOP proposes deep tax cuts, provides few details on how to pay for them

Republican leaders on Wednesday proposed slashing tax rates for the wealthy, the middle class and businesses while preserving popular tax deductions that encourage buying homes and giving to charity, hoping to unify the party behind a proposal to revamp the U.S. tax code.

But the nine-page framework they released to kick off negotiations left many key questions unanswered, including how they plan to avoid adding trillions of dollars to the government’s debt. The framework leaned heavily on limiting taxes paid by the wealthiest Americans, such as the alternative-minimum tax, and opposition to these changes from Democrats suggest it will be a battleground as negotiations intensify.

Republicans were also careful not to identify numerous tax breaks they might remove, focusing instead on promises to lower rates so much that President Trump estimated the effort would amount to the biggest tax cut of all time.

The “unified framework” was meant to serve as a starting point for negotiations on a tax deal, which lawmakers hope to complete by the end of the year. Republican leaders are now tasked with resolving controversial questions to unite their party — and possibly some Democrats — behind tax legislation, such as what corporate tax breaks to protect and how much revenue they are willing to lose in pursuit of new economic growth.

Trump has made rewriting the tax code a major part of his domestic agenda, and on Wednesday he urged his party on.

Which tax breaks are for you? View Graphic Which tax breaks are for you?

“This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity, and I guess it’s probably something you could say I’m very good at,” Trump said in Indiana. “I’ve been waiting for this for a long time.”

The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimated that the nine-page framework would equate to a $2.2 trillion tax cut, with $5.8 trillion lost to lower rates and other changes, and another $3.6 trillion recouped by eliminating deductions.

There were few initial estimates of what the tax framework might mean for economic growth, an area that will likely divide Republicans supportive of the plan and Democrats who immediately complained that the changes would disproportionately benefit the wealthy.

The White House and GOP leaders negotiated for months and agreed in large part only on the taxes they want to cut. They now face the more arduous task of agreeing on which tax deductions to take away, a process sure to pit party members against each other and put them under extreme pressure from outside lobby groups fighting to protect their favored tax breaks.

“I hope that people will have the intestinal fortitude it’s going to take to do it right,” Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) said late Tuesday. “People say the health care was hard — you have no idea. You have no idea how this is going to be.”

In Indiana, Trump threatened to try to oust Democrats who don’t vote to help push the tax cuts into law. He singled out Sen. Joe Donnelly (D-Ind.), who is up for reelection next year, as a Democrat who would be targeted if he didn’t sign onto the GOP plan.

“We will come here, we will campaign against him like you wouldn’t believe,” Trump said.

Democratic leaders will try to keep their party united in opposition, and on Wednesday they charged the GOP with proposing a huge tax cut to the wealthy but offering little for anyone else.

They said there was little evidence the tax plan provided any tax relief for low-income Americans, and it couldn’t be learned how much the middle class would benefit, either. Republicans didn’t specify what tax rates would apply to certain income levels, making it also hard to determine the framework’s impact.

“Republicans’ tax framework is not tax reform,” said House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). “It is a framework that gives away the store to the wealthiest while sticking the middle class with the bill.”

Without Democratic support, Republicans would need near-universal backing from their own party to move a tax bill through Congress, especially in the Senate, where they hold a slim majority.

In their blueprint, Republican proposals include cutting the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent and making it much easier for multinational companies to bring money earned overseas into the United States. This is roughly in line with a long-standing House Republican goal, though Trump has consistently pushed for the corporate rate to be lowered to 15 percent.

They also propose collapsing the seven individual income-tax brackets into three and allowing more people to qualify for the Child Tax Credit, designed to help low-income working families.

The framework would roughly double the standard deduction that married families and individuals use to reduce their taxable income, a change that Republicans hope will simplify the filing system. But it would also eliminate the “personal exemption” taxpayers can claim, blunting much of the new benefit and potentially leading some middle class households with multiple family members to pay more taxes than they currently do.

Republicans also are holding out the possibility of imposing a new, higher tax rate on the wealthy to ensure that the tax changes do not disadvantage the middle class, though the White House and GOP leaders have not agreed on how that would work.

Many of the tax changes would benefit upper-income Americans. The Republicans propose eliminating the estate tax and the alternative minimum tax. They also proposed lowering taxes on investment income. The tax framework does not mention Trump’s long-standing promise of raising taxes for hedge fund managers, suggesting that differences on this point have not been resolved.

While the blueprint preserves tax breaks for mortgage interest and charitable contributions, it proposes changing the tax benefits for retirement and education. It is unclear how those changes might work.

The next step for congressional Republicans is to pass a budget resolution that would allow a tax bill to pass the Senate with a 51-vote majority. Senate bills often need 60 votes to overcome a filibuster, but the budget resolution would allow Republicans to use the process known as “reconciliation” to avoid that higher threshold.

Sen. Patrick J. Toomey (R-Pa.) said Wednesday the Senate Budget Committee is expected to send a draft budget to the Senate floor next week.

The House Freedom Caucus, a key holdout bloc of conservative lawmakers, endorsed the tax framework Wednesday, setting up a floor vote on the House budget as soon as next week. That would set up a conference between the chambers, with senior Republicans expecting the final, consensus budget resolution to closely resemble the Senate version.

Once the budget resolution passes both chambers, the tax-writing committees — Senate Finance and House Ways and Means — would begin drafting and amending tax legislation, where the politically thorny work of identifying revenue offsets would take place.

Toomey acknowledged that hard trade-offs are ahead, saying that lawmakers will have to identify offsets of about $3 trillion over 10 years to align the plan with the budget resolution.

The framework released Wednesday calls for eliminating many business tax credits and individual income deductions, while specifically naming only a few that should be spared.

“We’ve definitely identified the items that can get us there,” Toomey said. “The question is: Will we have the political will to do it?”

To raise revenue to offset the cuts, Republicans are likely to consider limiting or eliminating the deductibility of state and local taxes, a proposal that is generating opposition from lawmakers in states with high tax burdens. They will also consider limits on how much businesses can deduct for interest payments, a tax provision frequently used by financial and real estate firms.

“Those are two big ones that have to be on the table,” Toomey said.

Business groups, who have already been leaning heavily on lawmakers to protect their favored tax breaks, had mixed reactions to the plan. Many cheered the general direction of the plan but made clear they were watching how Congress approached key unresolved details.

“Now, we are entering into a crucial new phase of the effort to overhaul the tax code, and the hardest work is just beginning,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce President Thomas J. Donohue said in a statement. House Ways and Means Committee chairman Kevin Brady (R-Tex.) will visit the Chamber on Thursday to discuss the plan.

Koch Industries sent an open letter to Congress, praising members for moving forward on the tax changes but encouraging lawmakers to cut as many business-specific tax breaks as possible.

“We encourage policymakers to remove corporate welfare provisions from the code. Wherever possible, loopholes, deductions, exemptions and other handouts should disappear. We maintain that cutting rates is the most reliable pathway to growth,” wrote Philip Ellender, president of government and public affairs at Koch Companies Public Sector.

Other industry groups outlined specific concerns.

The National Association of Realtors denounced the blueprint, saying in a statement Wednesday that the proposal to double the standard deduction would “all but nullify the incentive to purchase a home” for most taxpayers. With the standard deduction doubling, more homeowners would probably use that deduction when they filed their tax returns, rather than taking advantage of the lucrative mortgage interest deduction.

“This proposal recommends a backdoor elimination of the mortgage interest deduction for all but the top 5 percent who would still itemize their deductions,” William E. Brown, president of the National Association of Realtors, said in a statement. “Plummeting home values are a poor housewarming gift for recent homebuyers and a tremendous blow to older Americans who depend on their home to provide a nest egg for retirement.”

Jim Tobin, the chief lobbyist for the National Association of Home Builders, said his organization was encouraged to see many of its top priorities included, including access to interest deductions and the preservation of the low-income housing credit.

He said his organization, like that of the Realtors, was concerned about doubling the standard deduction and about losing the deduction for state and local taxes.

“We also recognize we’re in the opening stages of what is going to be a long fight, a long journey, to realize tax reform — so as the opening play in this, we feel good about continuing to move forward,” Tobin said.

GOP proposes deep tax cuts, provides few details on how to pay for them

Republican leaders on Wednesday proposed slashing tax rates for the wealthy, the middle class and businesses while preserving popular tax deductions that encourage buying homes and giving to charity, hoping to unify the party behind a proposal to revamp the U.S. tax code.

But the nine-page framework they released to kick off negotiations left many key questions unanswered, including how they plan to avoid adding trillions of dollars to the government’s debt. The framework leaned heavily on limiting taxes paid by the wealthiest Americans, such as the alternative-minimum tax, and opposition to these changes from Democrats suggest it will be a battleground as negotiations intensify.

Republicans were also careful not to identify numerous tax breaks they might remove, focusing instead on promises to lower rates so much that President Trump estimated the effort would amount to the biggest tax cut of all time.

The “unified framework” was meant to serve as a starting point for negotiations on a tax deal, which lawmakers hope to complete by the end of the year. Republican leaders are now tasked with resolving controversial questions to unite their party — and possibly some Democrats — behind tax legislation, such as what corporate tax breaks to protect and how much revenue they are willing to lose in pursuit of new economic growth.

Trump has made rewriting the tax code a major part of his domestic agenda, and on Wednesday he urged his party on.

Which tax breaks are for you? View Graphic Which tax breaks are for you?

“This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity, and I guess it’s probably something you could say I’m very good at,” Trump said in Indiana. “I’ve been waiting for this for a long time.”

The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimated that the nine-page framework would equate to a $2.2 trillion tax cut, with $5.8 trillion lost to lower rates and other changes, and another $3.6 trillion recouped by eliminating deductions.

There were few initial estimates of what the tax framework might mean for economic growth, an area that will likely divide Republicans supportive of the plan and Democrats who immediately complained that the changes would disproportionately benefit the wealthy.

The White House and GOP leaders negotiated for months and agreed in large part only on the taxes they want to cut. They now face the more arduous task of agreeing on which tax deductions to take away, a process sure to pit party members against each other and put them under extreme pressure from outside lobby groups fighting to protect their favored tax breaks.

“I hope that people will have the intestinal fortitude it’s going to take to do it right,” Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) said late Tuesday. “People say the health care was hard — you have no idea. You have no idea how this is going to be.”

In Indiana, Trump threatened to try to oust Democrats who don’t vote to help push the tax cuts into law. He singled out Sen. Joe Donnelly (D-Ind.), who is up for reelection next year, as a Democrat who would be targeted if he didn’t sign onto the GOP plan.

“We will come here, we will campaign against him like you wouldn’t believe,” Trump said.

Democratic leaders will try to keep their party united in opposition, and on Wednesday they charged the GOP with proposing a huge tax cut to the wealthy but offering little for anyone else.

They said there was little evidence the tax plan provided any tax relief for low-income Americans, and it couldn’t be learned how much the middle class would benefit, either. Republicans didn’t specify what tax rates would apply to certain income levels, making it also hard to determine the framework’s impact.

“Republicans’ tax framework is not tax reform,” said House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). “It is a framework that gives away the store to the wealthiest while sticking the middle class with the bill.”

Without Democratic support, Republicans would need near-universal backing from their own party to move a tax bill through Congress, especially in the Senate, where they hold a slim majority.

In their blueprint, Republican proposals include cutting the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent and making it much easier for multinational companies to bring money earned overseas into the United States. This is roughly in line with a long-standing House Republican goal, though Trump has consistently pushed for the corporate rate to be lowered to 15 percent.

They also propose collapsing the seven individual income-tax brackets into three and allowing more people to qualify for the Child Tax Credit, designed to help low-income working families.

The framework would roughly double the standard deduction that married families and individuals use to reduce their taxable income, a change that Republicans hope will simplify the filing system. But it would also eliminate the “personal exemption” taxpayers can claim, blunting much of the new benefit and potentially leading some middle class households with multiple family members to pay more taxes than they currently do.

Republicans also are holding out the possibility of imposing a new, higher tax rate on the wealthy to ensure that the tax changes do not disadvantage the middle class, though the White House and GOP leaders have not agreed on how that would work.

Many of the tax changes would benefit upper-income Americans. The Republicans propose eliminating the estate tax and the alternative minimum tax. They also proposed lowering taxes on investment income. The tax framework does not mention Trump’s long-standing promise of raising taxes for hedge fund managers, suggesting that differences on this point have not been resolved.

While the blueprint preserves tax breaks for mortgage interest and charitable contributions, it proposes changing the tax benefits for retirement and education. It is unclear how those changes might work.

The next step for congressional Republicans is to pass a budget resolution that would allow a tax bill to pass the Senate with a 51-vote majority. Senate bills often need 60 votes to overcome a filibuster, but the budget resolution would allow Republicans to use the process known as “reconciliation” to avoid that higher threshold.

Sen. Patrick J. Toomey (R-Pa.) said Wednesday the Senate Budget Committee is expected to send a draft budget to the Senate floor next week.

The House Freedom Caucus, a key holdout bloc of conservative lawmakers, endorsed the tax framework Wednesday, setting up a floor vote on the House budget as soon as next week. That would set up a conference between the chambers, with senior Republicans expecting the final, consensus budget resolution to closely resemble the Senate version.

Once the budget resolution passes both chambers, the tax-writing committees — Senate Finance and House Ways and Means — would begin drafting and amending tax legislation, where the politically thorny work of identifying revenue offsets would take place.

Toomey acknowledged that hard trade-offs are ahead, saying that lawmakers will have to identify offsets of about $3 trillion over 10 years to align the plan with the budget resolution.

The framework released Wednesday calls for eliminating many business tax credits and individual income deductions, while specifically naming only a few that should be spared.

“We’ve definitely identified the items that can get us there,” Toomey said. “The question is: Will we have the political will to do it?”

To raise revenue to offset the cuts, Republicans are likely to consider limiting or eliminating the deductibility of state and local taxes, a proposal that is generating opposition from lawmakers in states with high tax burdens. They will also consider limits on how much businesses can deduct for interest payments, a tax provision frequently used by financial and real estate firms.

“Those are two big ones that have to be on the table,” Toomey said.

Business groups, who have already been leaning heavily on lawmakers to protect their favored tax breaks, had mixed reactions to the plan. Many cheered the general direction of the plan but made clear they were watching how Congress approached key unresolved details.

“Now, we are entering into a crucial new phase of the effort to overhaul the tax code, and the hardest work is just beginning,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce President Thomas J. Donohue said in a statement. House Ways and Means Committee chairman Kevin Brady (R-Tex.) will visit the Chamber on Thursday to discuss the plan.

Koch Industries sent an open letter to Congress, praising members for moving forward on the tax changes but encouraging lawmakers to cut as many business-specific tax breaks as possible.

“We encourage policymakers to remove corporate welfare provisions from the code. Wherever possible, loopholes, deductions, exemptions and other handouts should disappear. We maintain that cutting rates is the most reliable pathway to growth,” wrote Philip Ellender, president of government and public affairs at Koch Companies Public Sector.

Other industry groups outlined specific concerns.

The National Association of Realtors denounced the blueprint, saying in a statement Wednesday that the proposal to double the standard deduction would “all but nullify the incentive to purchase a home” for most taxpayers. With the standard deduction doubling, more homeowners would probably use that deduction when they filed their tax returns, rather than taking advantage of the lucrative mortgage interest deduction.

“This proposal recommends a backdoor elimination of the mortgage interest deduction for all but the top 5 percent who would still itemize their deductions,” William E. Brown, president of the National Association of Realtors, said in a statement. “Plummeting home values are a poor housewarming gift for recent homebuyers and a tremendous blow to older Americans who depend on their home to provide a nest egg for retirement.”

Jim Tobin, the chief lobbyist for the National Association of Home Builders, said his organization was encouraged to see many of its top priorities included, including access to interest deductions and the preservation of the low-income housing credit.

He said his organization, like that of the Realtors, was concerned about doubling the standard deduction and about losing the deduction for state and local taxes.

“We also recognize we’re in the opening stages of what is going to be a long fight, a long journey, to realize tax reform — so as the opening play in this, we feel good about continuing to move forward,” Tobin said.

Georgetown Law students and faculty protest speech by Attorney General Jeff Sessions

Dozens of Georgetown University students gathered Tuesday on the steps of McDonough Hall to protest an address from Attorney General Jeff Sessions that lambasted schools for infringing on students’ free-speech rights.

The students were joined by faculty members who initially took a knee and later linked arms.

They took turns speaking into a bullhorn, decrying Sessions, the process the university used to bring him to campus and posing questions they would have asked the attorney general had they been allowed into the event.

“We, the disinvited, find it extraordinarily hypocritical that AG Sessions would lecture future attorneys about free speech on campus while excluding the wider student body,” third-year law student Ambur Smith said into the bullhorn.

Some of the roughly 100 protesters who gathered outside at Georgetown’s law school wore duct tape over their mouths. They held signs that proclaimed, “DEPORT HATE,” FREE SPEECH IS NOT HATE SPEECH,” and “Sessions is afraid of questions.”

Georgetown law professor Heidi Li Feldman was one of about 40 faculty and staff members who joined students on the steps of McDonough Hall.

“A law school is a place for people to learn about the deepest principles that undergird our democratic republic. Those principles are trampled upon by Attorney General sessions, in particular, and Donald Trump,” she said. “You cannot invite people who so thoroughly threaten the basic premises of American law to a campus and not speak up if your mission in life is to educate people about the American legal system.”

Third-year law student Imani Waweru cited President Trump’s criticism of NFL players and other actions by the White House in asserting that the administration  “has fallen short in a lot of areas about understanding what free speech entails.”

“We just firmly believe that this administration does not demonstrate that they have a full understanding of free speech,” Waweru said.

By 12:20 p.m., the crowd of demonstrators had thinned to about half its earlier size.

Inside the hall where Sessions spoke, a line of attendees sitting near the back stood up as the attorney general concluded his address. The group sat back down, and had tape over their mouths.

Greyson Wallis, a Georgetown law student from Bradenton, Fla., was among those who demonstrated up after Sessions delivered his remarks. She said that though Sessions is a controversial figure, that wasn’t the main reason for the protest. Wallis, 24, said Georgetown students signed up for the event, but were then told via email their invitations had been rescinded.

“It seemed like they were rescinding those invites because they didn’t want any sort of hostile environment, and I can understand not wanting to have a violent environment, but that’s not at all what we were trying to do,” Wallis said. “We’re law students. We all just wanted to hear what he had to say and let him know where we differ from his opinions.”

Wallis, who wore a black toque that read “nasty woman,” said she felt Sessions gave a speech to an “echo chamber,” a group of people who agree with his policies and stances.

“This was at no point at risk of turning into Berkeley in any manner,” she said, referring to violent protests earlier this year in the California city. “But people wanted to be here and hear what he had to say. Unfortunately, his message of opening yourself up to the other side isn’t going to reach the people that he wants it to reach. Because they weren’t allowed to be in here today.”

Joshua Spielman, 29, a Georgetown law student in the audience, said he agreed with what Sessions told the crowd Tuesday, and said he felt it was important for the university to “uphold the values of allowing all speech.”

“I find that there are students who believe themselves to be in the ideological majority without understanding that there may be students who want to hear a free flow of ideas,” he said. “But that doesn’t necessarily mean they agree with everything that the administration has to say. And I think it’s important as a university for us to ensure that all ideas are heard. Because if you don’t hear all ideas, then correctly, as the attorney general said, you can’t possibly formulate your own.”

Spielman, of Teaneck, N.J, said he would be considered a “more conservative” student on campus, then added: “but that doesn’t mean I’m a conservative.”

“There may be policies within the Trump administration that I agree with, that doesn’t mean I condone the president’s behavior and the way he seeks to vocalize his opinions or the administration’s stances,” he said. “That doesn’t mean there aren’t components of his administration’s polices that I don’t agree with. But what I find to be a major problem to be on campus, here and around the country, is that if you express any semblance of agreement with any variation or even piece or kernel of any of those policies, you’re immediately labeled as someone who is on the poles of one side or another.”

The attorney general’s address on free speech at the Georgetown’s Law Center sparked a variety of responses in advance from students and faculty members.

Some welcomed the opportunity to hear from the top law-enforcement officer and top lawyer in the U.S. government. But others objected to the late notice and limited audience for such a high-profile speaker, and argued that was antithetical to the idea of free speech and an open exchange of ideas.

Sessions, who has sparked controversy over immigration, race and other issues, planned to talk about free speech on college campuses. It’s a fraught topic nationally, with many conservatives saying that only liberal viewpoints are welcome on many college campuses, stifling free exchange and overly sensitive students finding alternative viewpoints too offensive to hear.

On Monday, some students said they got messages informing them they would not be allowed to attend the event, as they were not included on the invitation list drawn up by the Georgetown Center for the Constitution at Georgetown Law, which is hosting Sessions.

More than 130 students who had followed official channels to register for a seat in the auditorium were told they could attend, Lauren Phillips, a student at the school, wrote in an email Monday night. But the students were later suddenly uninvited because they were not part of a group that, Phillips believes, would ensure a sympathetic audience.

She said those students “find it extraordinarily hypocritical that AG Sessions would lecture future attorneys about the importance of free speech on campus while actively excluding the wider student body,” and that school officials had told students they could voice their objections only within a designated “free speech zone” which she said was a tiny, isolated corner of the campus. “We hope in the future that the university will truly uphold the principles of free speech, including the right to dissent.”

Tanya Weinberg, a spokeswoman for Georgetown’s law school, disputed the notion of a free speech zone.

“Free speech is protected for students on campus; there is no particular zone,” Weinberg said. “At events like today’s, we designate protest areas to allow free expression on campus in a manner that upholds safety and security and minimizes potential disruptions to learning.  Additionally, students in the auditorium were allowed to protest in a way that did not disrupt the event.”

Sessions spoke at a university that publicly objected earlier this month to the Trump administration’s move to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, and includes several faculty members who are high-profile opponents of administration policies such as Neal Katyal, one of the lawyers challenging the travel ban.

Several students said they would have liked to have had the opportunity to ask questions about administration policies — especially about the topic of free speech.

It’s ironic, said Spencer McManus, a third-year student from California, “that this attorney general is coming to our campus to tell us to exercise our constitutional rights, when he and the president have repeatedly condemned those who have exercised those rights. … We want people to understand what the First Amendment means.”

Over the weekend, President Trump condemned NFL players who sat out or took a knee during the national anthem before games in protest, saying they should be fired.

After unexpectedly violent protests forced the shutdown of a speech by provocative writer Milo Yiannopoulos at the University of California at Berkeley in February, Trump suggested that federal funding should be withheld if a state flagship school couldn’t tolerate free speech.

Berkeley has been the most visible flash point, but similar philosophical fights have played out at many other campuses as well.

Many people are critical of the idea of campuses giving students “safe spaces” and “trigger warnings” to protect them from ideas that they find offensive or upsetting.

“Holding an event that creates a safe space for the attorney general — and such a safe space that you don’t even invite people who commit to not disrupt the event while it’s ongoing — demonstrates a certain amount of hypocrisy,” said Heidi Li Feldman, a professor at the law school who said she had been denied permission to attend.

“To invite somebody who purports to be an authority  on free speech who so profoundly misunderstands the theories and law of free speech in our country … is laughable,” she said.

Some faculty members issued a statement Monday night, saying they acknowledge his right to speak on campus but “condemn the hypocrisy of Attorney General Sessions speaking about free speech.”

Feldman said some professors would protest — not by blocking or disrupting the event, but by expressing their opinions.

Richard Hand, a third-year student, said: “In law school, I’ve learned the most from my colleagues who have different opinions than me. I’ve also seen that people can disagree without disrespecting or insulting each other. I’m sure the attorney general and president would be welcome to sit in on a class.”

Some objected to Sessions himself, and his views.

“No fascists on campus,” a student wrote in an online forum planning protests. “A university that claims to care about the travel ban and DACA rescindment shouldn’t invite the man who defended both. Bring any signs and banners you can …”

Some objected only to the way the audience was drawn up.

The event was hosted by a center at the school, and they handled the invitations, according to a law school spokeswoman.

The invitations were issued in the same way they typically are, Tanya Weinberg said, without an attempt to assure an ideologically sympathetic crowd. Given limited capacity, she said, the school’s policy has held that the hosting organization determines the guest list. In this case, the Center for the Constitution decided to invite students who have attended past events held by the center, and Barnett invited students from his classes.

Scholars at the center are invited, she said, along with some “personal/VIP” guests invited by the center and the Justice Department.

Some students expressed dismay that their own invitations seemed to be revoked as the day went on, with many sharing a message they had received: “You RSVP’d earlier today to an invitation to hear Attorney General Jeff Sessions, sponsored by the Center for the Constitution. Regrettably, the email you subsequently received indicating you have a seat for the event was in error. Our records indicate that you were not part of the Center’s student invitation list, which includes student fellows of the Center (students who signed up to attend events sponsored by the Center) and students enrolled in the classes taught this semester by the Center’s Director, Professor Randy Barnett. As stated in the initial invitation email, the invitation was non-transferable and intended only for the individual to whom it was sent. Unfortunately, we will not be able to offer you a seat for the event.

“We regret any inconvenience.”

Phillips, who said she was one of the students who received such a message, said that if they had been allowed to attend, they would have asked questions about the Trump administration’s policies on criminal justice. She also wanted answers on why the issue of private citizens protesting during the national anthem before NFL games seemed to demand more of Trump’s attention recently than other pressing issues, and why the Trump administration seems more critical of student demonstrations on campus than white-supremacist rallies.

She said they would gather outside before the speech, bringing their questions for Sessions.

Statement by some faculty members:

Trump Rates His Hurricane Relief: ‘Great.’ ‘Amazing.’ ‘Tremendous.’

“We have been really treated very, very nicely by the governor,” Mr. Trump said of Mr. Rosselló, whose island is without power, water or fuel — putting it, the governor said on Monday, on the brink of a humanitarian crisis.

The busy hurricane season of 2017 has given fresh purpose to a president who, until now, made most of his own weather inside the West Wing. On Tuesday, he said he would visit Puerto Rico and the storm-ravaged Virgin Islands next week. The White House issued photos of a grave-looking Mr. Trump being briefed in the Situation Room.

But the hurricanes are yet another reminder of this president’s rare capacity for self-congratulation — a trait that seems particularly ill-suited to the aftermath of deadly disasters, when the plight of people who lost homes or even family members would seem to take precedence over testimonials to FEMA.

From the start, Mr. Trump has had trouble separating himself from the story. On his first visit to Texas after Hurricane Harvey swamped Houston, the president went to a firehouse in Corpus Christi, nearly 220 miles away, for a briefing with federal, state and local officials that stopped just short of being a pep rally. “We’ll congratulate each other when it’s all finished,” he told the group.

Outside, he greeted a crowd of about 1,000 who had gathered by saying, “What a crowd! What a turnout!”

Four days later, Mr. Trump returned to the state — this time, to meet actual victims of the storm. He handed out cardboard boxes with hot dogs and potato chips to residents in Houston, and talked about the love he had seen in the NRG Center, a convention center converted into a shelter for nearly 1,200 people. But he could not resist a victory lap.

“They’re really happy with what’s going on,” he told reporters traveling with him. “It’s something that’s been very well received. Even by you guys, it’s been very well received.”

In Florida, after Hurricane Irma roared up the Gulf Coast, Mr. Trump seemed more at ease in his role as a consoler. At a ruined mobile home park in Naples, he handed out encouragement along with hoagies. But when one man yelled, “Where was Obama during the last hurricane? On a golf course,” Mr. Trump stopped and asked whether he had voted for him.

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“Best vote of your life?” the president said, with a grin.

Puerto Rico, unlike Texas and Florida, is not Trump country. Senator Marco Rubio of Florida trounced him in the Republican primary there in March 2016. And Mr. Trump has been noticeably less vocal about the damage from Hurricane Maria. Over the weekend, as Puerto Ricans ran perilously low on food, water and fuel, he posted nothing about the crisis.

Yet he posted 17 tweets about sports — from the dispute he single-handedly revived over the N.F.L. and the national anthem to his withdrawal of an invitation for Stephen Curry and the Golden State Warriors to visit the White House. On Tuesday, Mr. Trump denied that he had neglected Puerto Rico in favor of his feud with professional athletes.

“I’ve heard that before: ‘Was I preoccupied?’” he said. “Not at all, not at all. I have plenty of time on my hands. All I do is work.”

Some residents of the Virgin Islands, parts of which were leveled by Irma, feel similarly overlooked by Washington. Kenneth E. Mapp, the governor, assured them that Mr. Trump had told him he “loves the Virgin Islands.”

When the president finally did get around to addressing Puerto Rico, on Monday, he led off with some unsympathetic observations about the territory’s well-publicized fiscal problems.

“Texas Florida are doing great but Puerto Rico, which was already suffering from broken infrastructure massive debt, is in deep trouble,” he said in a series of tweets. “It’s old electrical grid, which was in terrible shape, was devastated. Much of the Island was destroyed, with billions of dollars owed to Wall Street and the banks which, sadly, must be dealt with. Food, water and medical are top priorities – and doing well.”

On Tuesday, Mr. Trump said he had deployed Navy ships to Puerto Rico. His homeland security adviser, Thomas P. Bossert, and the FEMA administrator, Brock Long, traveled there to meet with officials. But even then, Mr. Trump said less about the resilience of the people than about the territory’s problems. The federal government, he said, had to take over some security because police officers, having lost their homes, had gone off duty.

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After his news conference, Mr. Trump tweeted, “America’s hearts prayers are with the people of #PuertoRico the #USVI. We will get through this — and we will get through this TOGETHER!”

To the extent that Mr. Trump lauded Puerto Rican officials, however, it was for their praise and gratitude for his administration’s efforts.

“We have had tremendous reviews from government officials, as we have in Texas and Louisiana, and as we have in Florida,” Mr. Trump said, singling out Greg Abbott of Texas and Rick Scott of Florida as “great governors.”

For a moment, it looked like he would pay a similar tribute to the governor of Puerto Rico, Mr. Rosselló.

“The governor has been so incredible in his,” Mr. Trump said, pausing a beat, “in his statements about the job we’re doing.”


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Acting DEA chief Chuck Rosenberg to step down; Rick Fuentes under consideration

WASHINGTON – Acting Drug Enforcement Administration chief Chuck Rosenberg, appointed two years ago to bring stability to an agency riven by controversy, announced late Tuesday that he was stepping down, effective Oct. 1.

Rosenberg, a long-time Justice Department official who also served as a two-time U.S. attorney and a chief of staff to former FBI Director James Comey, was appointed slightly more than two years following a series of scandals that forced the ouster of embattled administrator Michele Leonhart.

“Almost two and half years ago, I wrote to express how grateful I was to join the DEA…to see up close your amazing work,” Rosenberg wrote in a message to staffers. “I was proud to support your unique and vital mission and to tout your accomplishments everywhere I went. Now, during my last week, I write to thank you for your courage, integrity and devotion.”

A holdover from the Obama administration, Rosenberg’s departure was not unexpected. Rosenberg worked closely with Comey, the FBI director Trump abruptly fired in May. Rosenberg also once served as a counselor to former FBI Director Robert Mueller, who is now the special counsel directing the investigation into Russia’s intervention in the 2016 election.

As the Trump administration ramps up its response to the opioid crisis and formulates a harder line policy on marijuana, it has been considering a slate of other potential nominees to fill the top DEA slot, including New Jersey State Police Superintendent Rick Fuentes.

Fuentes has discussed the job with top Justice officials, according to two people familiar with the matter who were not authorized to speak publicly. 

A career New Jersey law enforcement official, Fuentes was appointed to lead the state police in 2003 and is the state’s longest serving superintendent.

His candidacy also is supported by the Fraternal Order of Police, the nation’s largest police union.

“Col. Fuentes is the consummate cop’s cop,” FOP President Chuck Canterbury wrote in a July 7 letter to President Trump, urging the superintendent’s consideration. “He has earned the respect of his officers and local law enforcement officers throughout the state, as well as his federal counterparts.”

Fuentes declined to comment.

Before Rosenberg’s appointment by then-Attorney General Loretta Lynch, the DEA had been reeling from a series of scandals under Leonhart, who retired in wake of an internal Justice investigation found that agents participated in sex parties with prostitutes supplied by drug cartels in Colombia.

Tuesday started as a bad day for Mitch McConnell. It only got worse.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell lost just about every way possible on Tuesday.

The Kentucky Republican had to abandon, again, an effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act amid an uprising from the more moderate wing of the GOP caucus. Then he learned that one of his most influential Republican chairman would not run for reelection next year, setting up a potentially divisive race to succeed the senator.

Finally, before 9:30 p.m. Tuesday, McConnell suffered the final indignity: His preferred candidate in Alabama, Sen. Luther Strange (R), lost the GOP nomination in embarrassing fashion to a conservative insurgent who vowed that his victory would send a message that McConnell and his allies should “run scared for a while.”

While no stranger to defeat in the past — he spent eight years as minority leader — McConnell’s string of losses in such a short timespan Tuesday punctured much of his well crafted image as the consummate insider who could deliver.

Each blow had its own unusual circumstances, with President Trump’s own erratic performance playing a role, but McConnell’s failures came in nearly every facet of congressional leadership.

Roy Moore’s resounding win in the Alabama special election, after McConnell’s allies spent more than $10 million on Strange’s behalf, served as the first time Senate Republicans suffered a major defeat from a right-flank challenger in more than five years. Coupled with the retirement announcement of Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), it means that GOP incumbents will face more challenges next year and that McConnell’s promise to help them fend off insurgents will not carry the same weight.

On the legislative front, where McConnell was considered a master of the Senate, the leader could not herd his Republican colleagues or craft a parliamentary process to meet their competing needs. The result was an embarrassing failure to do what they promised voters they would for seven years: Repeal and replace former president Obama’s signature health care law.

It left some hard-charging conservatives furious about the outcome.

“There is a complete lack of congressional leadership and no accountability to get results,” said Sen. David Perdue (R-Ga.), first elected in 2014 and a critic of senior GOP senators for abandoning the repeal effort. “From the get go, three Republican Senate chairmen failed to support our efforts to repeal and replace Obamacare as we have all promised to do.”

McConnell’s inner circle did not even try to sugarcoat the failures and what they meant for Republicans heading into the 2018 midterm elections. Moore’s victory, according to the leader’s advisers, is a direct result of congressional Republican’s failure to repeal a health law they vowed to replace for seven years, nor deliver any other tangible legislative victory in the first eight months of Trump’s presidency.

“It should be a wake-up call to every Republican. The deep dissatisfaction among the base with the pace of the Trump agenda is very real,” Josh Holmes, McConnell’s 2014 campaign manager and still close adviser, said Tuesday. Holmes said the entire party must now unify and deliver on their vow to overhaul the tax code so voters will see more money in their pockets.

In a late night statement, McConnell fully endorsed Moore and called for party unity.

“He ran a spirited campaign centered around a dissatisfaction with the progress made in Washington,” he said. “I share that frustration and believe that enacting the agenda the American people voted for last November requires us all to work together.”

What made the Alabama race potentially a sign of things to come, was the degree to which Moore and his supporters tried to turn McConnell into a boogeyman within his own party.

On Tuesday, before the election results were official, most Senate Republicans remained staunchly behind McConnell — who, next June, is slated to become the longest serving GOP leader in Senate history. He has won eight straight leadership elections by acclamation, with no challenger, and none appears on the horizon in the near term.

His colleagues say McConnell is willing to absorb the criticism that conservative activists fire at him, particularly if it keeps the friendly fire away from rank-and-file Republicans.

“Being the spear-catcher for the conference is part of the responsibility of being in leadership, and Senator McConnell, as he likes to point out, is a big boy,” said Sen. John Cornyn (Texas), the majority whip. “He can take it.”

But one thing that could hamper McConnell’s long-term standing would be if he became a real albatross to his own incumbents in primary elections ahead. Two years ago this week John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) announced his resignation as House speaker because even close supporters feared voting for him because conservative activists had grown to despise Boehner.

Sen. Richard C. Shelby (R-Ala.) saw McConnell as a tangential issue to Alabama voters, who know Moore well from his controversial record as a staunch social conservative on the state Supreme Court.

“I don’t think McConnell is the only issue there. Roy Moore is a unique individual,” said Shelby, who used McConnell’s campaign team to beat back a primary challenge last year.

Internal Alabama politics also played a key role, because Strange received the appointment to succeed Attorney General Jeff Sessions from then-Gov. Robert J. Bentley, who resigned amid scandal a few weeks later.

Acting Gov. Kay Ivey, bowing to local political pressure from GOP rivals who did not like Strange, called a snap special election rather than give Strange until 2018 to find his footing. “They need as much time as they can get to get on their feet, so to speak, and build a base, and four or five months is not a long time to do that,” Shelby said.

Still, as he has done with other incumbents, McConnell went all in for Strange with his constellation of super PACs and Washington-based organizations flooding Alabama airwaves for weeks with anti-Moore ads.

Nothing broke through, and once Stephen K. Bannon left his White House post advising Trump, he returned to run Breitbart News and raced to Alabama to throw in with Moore and vow more primary challengers to McConnell’s incumbents.

Trump’s support for Strange was meant to shore up relations with Senate Republicans after their caustic August shouting match carried out through the media and Twitter. Corker, in a meeting with Trump recently, pleaded for the president to go to Alabama on Strange’s behalf. Trump did so, but in a rambling 90-minute speech Friday night, the president suggested “maybe I made a mistake” in supporting the appointed senator.

It did not even matter that Moore spent the final week voicing his opposition to the very health care repeal legislation that Trump was touting.

Alabama Republicans chose the candidate they believed was “more interested in breaking” Washington rather than one who would loyally back Trump, Holmes said.

That’s the message McConnell is taking away from this week — one he will carry with him in the months ahead, particularly on the tax-cut effort.

“They’ve got to reunify,” Holmes said.

If not, McConnell will face more weeks like this one over the next year.

Read more from Paul Kane’s archive, follow him on Twitter or subscribe to his updates on Facebook.

Saudi Arabia Resists Independent Inquiry on Yemen Atrocities

The Yemen conflict, which began in 2014, has killed thousands, devastated the water and public health systems, left 700,000 people infected with cholera and seven million at risk of famine.

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A man carried a young girl who was rescued from the site of a Saudi-led airstrike that killed eight of her family members last month in Sana.

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Khaled Abdullah/Reuters

Human rights groups have documented a trail of international law violations on both sides of the conflict. The United Nations has repeatedly complained of a lack of access in the country, including for the delivery of lifesaving aid.

The latest United Nations human rights report, released in early September, found that Saudi-led coalition airstrikes continued to be the “leading cause” of civilian deaths, including child deaths.

The draft resolution, seen by The New York Times, encourages the Yemen national human rights body to cooperate with the United Nations human rights office and seeks to establish a three-member commission of inquiry. That panel, according to the draft, would “carry out comprehensive investigations into all alleged violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international law by all parties to the conflict in Yemen since September 2014.”

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It is sponsored by Belgium, Canada, Ireland, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands.

The Saudi ambassador to the United Nations, Abdallah Y. al-Mouallimi, called the draft resolution “premature.”

He said the United Nations should instead help Yemen’s national authorities carry out their own investigations. Saudi Arabia had circulated its own resolution proposing that approach and said it hoped “a reasonable outcome” would be reached.

Asked if the Saudis would retaliate economically against those countries pushing a commission of inquiry, the Saudi ambassador offered a nuanced response.

“We don’t link these issues with commercial considerations,” Mr. Mouallimi said, “but I think all the countries recognize we have presented a reasonable proposal and that trying to take alternative action would not be considered a friendly gesture.”

Ravina Shamdasani, a spokeswoman for The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said in an email that Yemen’s national commission lacked access to Houthi-controlled areas and “cannot do its work impartially,” noting that it received funds from Saudi Arabia.

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Roy Moore Wins Senate GOP Runoff in Alabama

For his part, Mr. Trump congratulated Mr. Moore in a tweet. “Luther Strange started way back ran a good race. Roy, WIN in Dec!” he wrote.

In a race that began as something of a political afterthought and ended up showcasing the right’s enduring divisions, the victory by Mr. Moore, one of the most tenacious figures in Alabama politics, will likely embolden other anti-establishment conservatives to challenge incumbent Republicans in next year’s midterm elections.

And more immediately, the party will be forced to wrestle with how to prop up an often-inflammatory candidate given to provocative remarks on same-sex marriage and race — all to protect a seat in a deep-red state. Mr. Moore’s incendiary rhetoric will also oblige others in the party to answer for his comments, perhaps for years to come, at a time when many Republicans would just as soon move on from the debate over gay rights.

On Dec. 12, Mr. Moore will face Doug Jones, a former federal prosecutor and the Democratic nominee, in a race that will test the party loyalties of center-right voters who may be uneasy about their nominee. It may also reveal just how reliably Republican the state has become in the quarter-century since a Democrat last won a Senate election here.

Mr. Jones said in a statement that Alabama needed a serious senator who would rise above partisanship and work with everyone in Congress. He criticized the debate among Republicans leading up to Tuesday’s election as lacking substance. “I will never embarrass the people of Alabama,” Mr. Jones said. “I am running so the people of Alabama can be proud of their next senator.”

Mr. Moore, 70, has proved himself to be a political survivor. He has been effectively removed from the State Supreme Court twice — the first in 2003, over his refusal to remove a statue of the Ten Commandments in the courthouse; the second last year, when he urged the state’s probate judges to defy federal orders regarding same-sex marriage.

And in recent days, both the president and Vice President Mike Pence had campaigned for Mr. Strange. Mr. Trump, an enormously popular figure in Alabama, cast aside the tradition of presidents treading carefully in contested primaries, as well as the warnings from his own advisers regarding a candidate trailing in the polls.

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Mr. Strange spoke during a rally with President Trump on Friday in Huntsville, Ala.

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Tom Brenner/The New York Times

Yet instead of delivering a tightly crafted testimonial at a rally on Friday, the president rambled for nearly an hour and a half about a range of topics, while openly questioning whether he was making a mistake coming into the state for Mr. Strange, who oriented his entire run around Mr. Trump’s endorsement and stood looking on with a red Make America Great Again hat atop his head.

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Mr. Strange conceded defeat on Tuesday night before a subdued audience at a hotel outside of Birmingham, acknowledging in a moment of striking candor that he did not fully grasp the forces at play in his loss.

“We’re dealing with a political environment that I’ve never had any experience with,” Mr. Strange said. “The political seas, the political winds in this country right now are very hard to navigate. They’re very hard to understand.”

He thanked Mr. Trump effusively, praising the president as a “loyal friend” and attempting to absolve him of any blame for the result. “If this causes him any trouble,” Mr. Strange said, “it’s not his fault.”

Mr. Strange’s defeat was the first time an incumbent senator with active White House support has lost since 2010, when Arlen Specter, the longtime senator of Pennsylvania, was beaten in a Democratic primary after switching parties.

But his loss was not just a blow to Mr. Trump. Mr. Moore relentlessly linked the senator to Mr. McConnell, who has made a priority of protecting his caucus from intraparty challenges, but is an increasingly polarizing figure among grass-roots Republicans. Despite the money and staff he directed to the race, Mr. McConnell became as much a liability as he was an asset, leaving Republicans nervously wondering what that may portend in other primaries next year.

On Tuesday night, Mr. McConnell said in a statement that he understood Mr. Moore had channeled “a dissatisfaction with the progress made in Washington.” Saying that he shared that frustration, Mr. McConnell said he was determined to help Mr. Moore win, and made no references to the bitter attacks on his leadership by Mr. Moore and his allies.

Mr. McConnell and his allies were jolted with another reminder of their limited control earlier in the day, when Senator Bob Corker of Tennessee, a popular incumbent, announced he would not run for re-election. As the first senator to opt out of seeking another term in 2018, Mr. Corker opened the way for another rowdy Southern primary in which the national party’s influence may be sorely tested.

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Stephen K. Bannon, an ousted White House adviser and an enthusiastic backer of Mr. Moore, crowed about Mr. Corker’s retirement in brief remarks before the former judge took the stage here. Mr. Bannon predicted a populist “revolution” would follow the Alabama results.

Mr. Strange’s demise was in some respects as much a local phenomenon as a national one, stemming from his appointment this year by then-Gov. Robert Bentley to fill the seat vacated by Attorney General Jeff Sessions. Mr. Strange, the state’s attorney general at the time, was overseeing an investigation into Mr. Bentley’s personal relationship with a close aide, suggesting to many in a scandal-weary state that there may have been a corrupt bargain. The newly appointed senator denied any wrongdoing, but never fully confronted the issue in a way that would eliminate the lingering cloud over the appointment.

And by Monday, an adviser to Mr. McConnell, anticipating defeat, started to privately make the case that it was Mr. Bentley’s scandal and the circumstances around the appointment that was most to blame for Mr. Strange’s lackluster support.

When the Alabama race started, it was with less fanfare, merely a side effect of Mr. Trump’s selection of Mr. Sessions as attorney general.

Republicans typically win federal races in Alabama without difficulty, so there was little immediate concern about the fate of Mr. Sessions’s seat, and less still after the appointment of such a conventional politician as Mr. Strange.

Mr. Strange’s status as a proxy for the Republican establishment and a test of the president’s sway came about almost by accident — a consequence of factors having little to do with Mr. Strange himself.

Seeking to ward off insurgents like Mr. Moore and Representative Mo Brooks, who finished third in last month’s primary, Mr. McConnell forcefully backed Mr. Strange’s bid to have his appointment affirmed by voters.

The Senate Republican leader treated Mr. Strange as the political equal of his elected colleagues and ordered strategists in Washington not to work against him. Mr. McConnell and a host of other senators lobbied an initially reluctant Mr. Trump to get involved on Mr. Strange’s behalf over the objections of some advisers. The confusing crosscurrents of the party were on vivid display when the president campaigned for Mr. Strange on Friday.

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As staff members from the party’s campaign arm allied with Mr. McConnell looked on, Mr. Strange told the conservative audience that they should elect him so he could “stand up to” Mr. McConnell.

And then the president took the stage and assured attendees he would back Mr. Moore were Mr. Strange to lose, comments that were soon made into an online ad by an anti-establishment conservative group.

Predictably then, the race took on a life of its own, carrying outsize implications for the president and his perceived grip on the Republican Party.

Mr. Strange and his political allies bombarded Alabama voters with a message of total fealty to Mr. Trump, all but trying to put the president on the ballot. Mr. Trump lauded Mr. Strange as an indispensable man, at least when sticking to the staff-crafted script.

Mr. Strange made little attempt to find a new, more moderate universe of voters in the runoff who would recoil from the thought of Mr. Moore as their senator, a strategy fashioned next door in Mississippi when Senator Thad Cochran found himself in a runoff with a hard-line primary challenger in 2014. In fact, some strategists who had been with Mr. Cochran’s campaign said they did not hear from Mr. Strange’s advisers.

The perils of presidential involvement were obvious to some, and conservative allies of Mr. Trump, including Mr. Bannon had counseled him not to meddle in Alabama. To a certain faction of advisers, the race looked like a no-win proposition for the president, since Mr. Trump’s base overlaps so heavily with Mr. Moore’s.

But he was not the only prominent figure here to gamble on Mr. Strange. Senator Richard Shelby, a pillar of Alabama politics for over 45 years, dispensed with his usual caution to support a longtime friend. But he saw how the political winds were blowing well before Tuesday.

On a get-out-the-vote conference call with Mr. Strange’s supporters this month, he recounted an anecdote about the 1970 Democratic governor’s race here between Albert Brewer, a racial moderate, and the segregationist George C. Wallace, a divisive figure in his time. After it became clear that Mr. Wallace had won, the University of Alabama’s young, progressive president, F. David Mathews, mournfully turned to his family and said they would have to “get used to living with George Wallace.”

Now, Mr. Shelby said, they may have to get used to living with Mr. Moore in the Senate, where he could be just as divisive.


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